Missing Girls – The After Effects Of Female Infanticide BY TAMANNA KHOSLA,


The phenomenon of female infanticide or missing girl child is as old as many cultures, and has likely accounted for millions of gender-selective deaths throughout history. It remains a critical concern in a number of “Third World” countries today, notably the two most populous countries on earth, China and India. In all cases, specifically female infanticide reflects the low status accorded to women in most parts of the world; it is arguably the most brutal and destructive manifestation of the anti-female bias that pervades “patriarchal” societies. Female infanticide is the intentional killing of baby girls due to the preference for male babies and from the low value associated with the birth of females.
In India, family and social pressures to produce a son are immense. In most regions, sons are desired for reasons related to kinship, inheritance, marriage, identity, status, economic security and lineage. A preference for boys cuts across caste and class lines and results in discrimination against girls even before they are born.
Though some regions of India have a history of female infanticide, declining sex ratios are now also attributed to the use of new technologies for sex selection. There are no firm statistics at either the state or national levels on sex-selective abortion. However, a study by UNFPA concluded that sex-selective abortions from 1996 to 1998 in the northern states of Haryana and Punjab accounted for an estimated 81 per cent and 26 per cent of total abortions, respectively.
India has a highly masculine sex ratio, especially the northern states. Thus women in these states die before reaching adulthood. India shows a very mixed bag. “In some parts there are no signs of any unnatural imbalances, in other parts the numbers are grotesque.” Tribal societies in India have a less masculine sex ratio than all other caste groups. This, in spite of the fact that tribal communities have far lower levels of income, literacy and health facilities. It is therefore suggested by many experts, that the highly masculine sex ratio in India can be attributed to female infanticides and sex-selective abortions.
All medical tests that can be used to determine the sex of the child have been banned in India, due to incidents of these tests being used to get rid of unwanted female children before birth.
The selective abortion of female feotuses is most common in areas where cultural norms value male children over female children, especially in parts of People’s Republic of China, Korea, Taiwan, and India. A 2005 study estimated that over 90 million females were “missing” from the expected population in Afghanistan, Bangladesh, China, India, Pakistan, South Korea and Taiwan alone, and suggested that sex-selective abortion plays a role in this deficit. Gender bias can broadly impact a society, and it is estimated that by 2020 there could be more than 35 million young “surplus males” in China and 25 million in India. Sex-selective abortion has been seen as worsening the sex ratio in India, affecting gender issues related to sex compositions of Indian households. According to the 2001 census, the sex-ratio in India is 107.8 males per 100 females, up from 105.8 males per 100 females in 1991. The ratio is significantly higher in certain states such as Punjab (126.1) and Haryana (122.0). If one were to look at China it can be argued that by having a one-child policy, the rate of abortion of female fetuses has increased, thus accelerating a demographic decline.
Some research suggests that culture plays a larger role than economic conditions in gender preference and sex-selective abortion, because such deviations in sex ratios do not exist in sub-Saharan Africa, Latin America, and the Caribbean. Other demographers, however, argue that perceived gender imbalances may arise from the underreporting of female births, rather than sex-selective abortion or infanticide. Sex-selective abortion was rare before the late 20th century, because of the difficulty of determining the sex of the fetus before birth, but ultrasound has made such selection easier. Prior to this, parents would alter family sex compositions through infanticide.
Eliminating the practice requires changes in the way girls and women are valued by society. In India, UNFPA supports the Government in a comprehensive approach that includes building media interest, creating community-based networks to advocate against the practice, sensitizing health providers and involving youth and other key stakeholders. In Haryana State, where the sex ratio imbalance is one of the highest, jagriti mandalis (“forums of awakening”) function as women’s social action groups that promote the rights of daughters. These groups have convinced families and doctors not to practice sex selection.
Following a campaign by health and human rights activists, legal measures to ban the use of prenatal diagnostic techniques for sex selection were first passed in the Indian state of Maharashtra in 1986. Following a campaign by health and human rights activists, legal measures to ban the use of prenatal diagnostic techniques for sex selection were first passed in the Indian state of Maharashtra in 1986. Similar efforts at the national level resulted in the enactment, in 1994, of the Prenatal Diagnostics Techniques (Regulation and Prevention of Misuse) Act. Though the law became operational in 1996, it proved difficult to enforce. The amendments were passed in 2002, and the new law now prohibits determination and disclosure of the sex of the fetus, outlaws advertisements related to preconception and prenatal determination of sex, and prescribes punishments for violators
Among the advocates against female infanticide were United Nations organizations, including UNFPA, UNICEF and WHO, who were working alongside international NGOs and India’s Ministry of Health and Family Welfare. Together and in support of national partners, the UN agencies mobilized resources to build media interest and concern, create networks, sensitize the health system, train partners, conduct research, support civil society groups, and develop literacy and training materials. These efforts were bolstered by the provisional reports of the 2001 census that highlighted the increasing differential between the sexes. That, along with the earlier UNFPA study, helped generate a climate of concern among policy makers, the media, religious leaders and women’s groups.
Laws have been passed in India to prohibit sex-selective abortion. But a broader campaign is needed to address this and other harmful practices that are rooted in a cultural preference for sons and influenced by social and economic factors.
Legal action by itself is not enough to eliminate harmful traditional practices. To be effective, legislation should be part of a broad and integrated campaign that involves opinion makers and custodians of culture. In the case of sex-selective abortion, the campaign should also address structural issues underlying gender discrimination, in particular a widespread preference for sons.
The effective dissemination of research findings can bring controversial issues to national attention. In India, research informed an understanding of sex-selective abortion not only as a cultural issue, but one with social and economic dimensions.
Confronting harmful practices that are national in scope can best be addressed through a broad coalition of actors, each of whom can bring their own expertise in creating awareness and moving the issue forward.
The strategy, which seeks to address the structural issues underlying gender discrimination, was accepted by the Government of India and is expected to be adopted and operationalized by state governments. Though it is widely acknowledged that eliminating the practice will require a concerted, long-term effort, a positive start has been made.

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