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Archive for category Pakistan Army

Change of Guard

Change of Guard

Hamid Hussain

 
‘We cannot afford to confine Army appointments to persons who have excited no hostile comment in their careers …. This is a time to try men of force and vision and not to be exclusively confined to those who are judged thoroughly safe by conventional standards’.  Prime Minister Winston Churchill to Sir John Dill, Chief of Imperial General Staff, 1940

Pakistan army is a major player on national scene therefore change of command generates unusual interest both in the country as well as the outside world.  Two top positions are Chairman Joint Chiefs of Staff Committee (CJCSC) and Chief of Army Staff (COAS).  Theoretically, CJCSC is senior but practically this position is ceremonial and real power holder is COAS.  Main reason is that COAS controls the army with promotions and postings.  CJCSC can be selected from any of the three services but this post has been used to placate or reward some senior army officers, therefore for the last seventeen years this post is held by a senior army officer.  Last time when an air force or naval officer held the position of CJCSC was in 1997.  Current CJCSC General Khalid Shamim Wayen will be retiring on October 06, 2013 and COAS General Ashfaq Pervez Kayani on November 28, 2013. 

 

Prime Minister Nawaz Sharif will be deciding about next appointment of COAS.  His two close civilian advisors are his younger brother and chief minister of Punjab Shahbaz Sharif and interior minister Chaudhry Nisar Ali Khan.  He consults with these two about all important issues.  On military matters, he gets limited input from few retired officers.  These include retired Lieutenant General Khwaja Ziauddin, retired Lieutenant General Abdul Qadir Baloch, retired Lieutenant General Abdul Qayyum and Brigadier Javed Malik (for brief profile of these officers see Appendix: I below). The role of these officers is very limited regarding advice about selection of new COAS.  Their relationship is that of an acquaintance and not close confidant. In my view, advice from his close civilian associates will carry more weight than any army officer.  In general, there is no culture of reading serious material or informed debate.  Civilian leadership including Nawaz Sharif is not known for reading or soliciting advice from informed individuals about critical issues.  I don’t think that country’s top ten decision makers have read a complete book in the last one year.  A small group around Nawaz Sharif tries to whisper in King’s ears and general style is more close to a sixteenth century princely state with sycophancy and intrigues of Byzantine proportions. 

 

In normal process, COAS is usually selected from top four or five senior officers.  Most of these officers are average, equal in qualifications and rotated through normal command, staff and instructional appointments at senior ranks.  My own assessment is that seventy percent are average officers and not very different from officers found in other armies.  Twenty percent are below average and able to pass through the promotion labyrinth due to special circumstances.  Ten percent are first rate and any army could be proud to have them among its ranks. Opinions of their colleagues, superiors, juniors, friends and family members are highly subjective in nature. 

 

Selection of army chief is essentially a political decision and in addition to qualifications, ability of the individual to work with government on important issues is considered.  COAS tenure is three years and in case of Pakistan many army chiefs got extensions to the detriment of the institution. I’ll review the tenure of General Kayani and his decision making process, challenges of the next three years for new chief and brief overview of career and my opinion about each potential candidate. 

 

General Ashfaq Pervez Kayani was appointed by outgoing COAS General Pervez Mussharraf when he was forced to give up his post after nine years. Mussharraf’s choice was between Kayani and Lieutenant General (later General) Tariq Majeed.  Majeed was more assertive compared to Kayani who played more safely keeping his thoughts to himself.  Mussharraf may have felt Kayani will work with him better as Musharraf was to remain President after shedding his uniform.  Kayani became close to Musharraf when he was given the charge of investigating assassination attempts on Musharraf’s life.  Kayani was then commanding Rawalpindi based X Corps and his diligent work brought him close to Mussharraf and paved the way for his future rise. He was appointed Director General of Inter Services Intelligence (DGISI) where he served for three years.  In November 2007, he was appointed COAS. 

 

Kayani had the most difficult task for the first few months facing challenges on many fronts.  First and foremost, he gradually got control of the army easing out Mussharraf’s appointees and bringing his own team of confidants.  His second task was to move army away from civilian affairs and hands off policy for 2008 elections.  He managed a delicate balance of avoiding direct confrontation with Mussharraf while at the same time following his own independent course.  He didn’t bail out Mussharraf when later got into serious troubles and threatened with impeachment. However, Kayani worked behind the scene to make sure that Mussharraf was not humiliated.  A back ground deal managed a safe exit for Mussharraf in 2008 for a comfortable exile in London and Dubai (he recently came back despite repeated advice from army’s brass to stay put abroad and now facing court cases).  

 

Kayani’s second task was to reorient army to new challenges.  When Kayani took charge of the army, things were in disarray and morale was quite low as militants had taken the fight to the military and army suffered many reverses. Gradually, counterinsurgency methods were introduced in all training institutions and things improved.  Two decisions of keeping military away from direct interference and reorientation of army are credit to Kayani.  His major weakness is very slow decision making process.  Many of the decisions which he finally took were forced from pressure at various levels.  Pressure from junior officers deployed in forward areas forced Kayani to finally decide about some military operations against militants.  In addition, push from inner circle of Corps Commanders forced some other decisions. 

 

Some promotions and appointments to key positions were disastrous and resulted in lot of murmuring in the army.  Lieutenant General Ahmad Shuja Pasha is an infantry officer with very good reputation.  He is a straight forward chap who could be very good commander of an infantry division but completely unsuited for the job of top spy.  His personality and temperament was not for the job of DGISI and the fall out was quite negative.  Kayani had a very favorable opinion about Pasha but never vigorously challenged his advice or actions.  Kayani and army got entangled in some controversies due to actions of Pasha.  Army had no love lost for Pakistan’s ambassador to Washington Mr. Hussain Haqqani.  Pasha jumped on what was later known as Memo Gate scandal.  Pakistan army accused that Mr. Hussain Haqqani asked for U.S. help to thwart army’s attempt to subvert civilian leadership at the behest of then Pakistan’s President Asif Ali Zardari in the aftermath of U.S. raid that killed Osama Bin Ladin in Pakistan.  In another case, during visit to Washington, Kayani handed a report to White House titled Pakistani Perspective with lot of half baked theories currently in vogue at ISI that severely damaged Kayani’s own standing.  Kayani never challenged kidnap, torture, kill and dump policy of army’s intelligence operatives in Baluchistan.  Thanks to this policy, all segments of Baluch society are now thoroughly alienated.  The problem that started as disagreement on monetary benefits to few Baluch tribal leaders is now transformed into a nationalist movement.  ISI officers whose own offices were bombed by militants were promoted and in one case a two star under whose charge dozens of soldiers deserted was awarded with a third star.  In peacetime, these things may not count much but during the time of war such decisions eat the organization from inside and should be avoided at all costs.

 

Kayani’s attempts to create circumstances for his own extension of service severely undermined his credibility inside the army.  He gave extensions to some senior officers creating an impression that somehow extension is a norm rather than exception.  When his unprecedented three year extension was announced, it caused lot of resentment.  In the aftermath of the U.S. raid that killed Osama Bin Ladin, Kayani’s stock hit the lowest point.  Pasha and Kayani duo successfully diverted the attention when Pasha cursed Americans in a briefing to parliament with thunderous applaud from the audience.  They also turned their guns on President Zardari and Pakistan’s ambassador to Washington Hussain Haqqani and vetted their anger by hanging poor Dr. Shakil Afridi (it was alleged that he tried to get blood samples from the residents of Bin Ladin compound for CIA) by his thumbs.  Government’s own credibility was so low due to utter incompetence and corruption that in comparison to civilian leaders, Kayani looked like an angel and he recovered quite quickly from these set backs.

 

There are already rumors that Kayani may be given a one year extension or sent as an ambassador.  Both options are bad and should be avoided.  Previous three year extension had much more negative impact on all areas and I can not see anything positive and fruit of another extension will also be bitter.  Senior army and police officers involved in operations against militants have been targeted and many have been killed.  In some cases, army sent officers involved in operations as ambassadors and some privately departed for Dubai after retirement.  This has severely undermined army’s reputation on the street.  Police officers now make fun of their army colleagues privately.  Sending Kayani as ambassador immediately after retirement will strengthen this impression as every one will rightly conclude that this is being done due to threat to his life.  Army should be able to provide security to its own former chief in his own country.  Many mid-level officers are concerned about their security and the least Kayani can do is to stay put for at least a year or two in the country.  Once things settled down and people forget then if he wants, he can go into the safety of a comfortable diplomatic sojourn.  

 

COAS is just one player on the scene and country is facing challenges on many fronts.  The challenges for new army chief for the next three years include;

 

–          Coordination with civilian leadership on three crucial issues of containing militancy, reorienting policy towards Afghanistan and continue to keep eastern border with India quite. 

–          Leading armed forces in a state of war providing clear mindset, strategic roadmap and operational guidance.  He will be responsible for promoting next line of officers and this is the most important task.

–          Taking lead, immediately halting kill and dump policy in Baluchistan and start reconciliation with Baluch nationalists.

 

 

 

Five Senior Most Lieutenant Generals in Order of Seniority are:

  1. Haroon Aslam

  2. Rashad Mahmud

  3. Raheel Sharif

  4. Tariq Khan

  5. Zaheerul Islam. 

 

 

Lieutenant General Haroon Aslam is from 52nd PMA course and commissioned in October 1975.  He is currently Chief of Logistics Staff (CLS) after commanding XXXI Corps based in Bahawalpur.  He spent good part of his career in Baluchistan where he first served as Chief of Staff (COS) of Southern command and later commanded an infantry division based in Quetta.  He commanded operations against militants in Swat when he was General Officer commanding (GOC) of Special Services Group (SSG).  He is an average officer with some experience of fight against militancy.  However, in my view, if selected he will not be better than Kayani.  It is possible that being senior most, he is appointed CJCSC as Nawaz Sharif in his manifesto stated that he will adhere to the principle of seniority. 

 

Lieutenant General Rashad Mahmud is also from 52nd PMA course and commissioned in October 1975.  He is currently serving as Chief of Staff (CGS) after a stint as Corps Commander of IV Corps based in Lahore.  He is Kayani’s preference as his successor.  He is also an average officer.  He was DAPS to army chief General Mirza Aslam Beg at the rank of Major under then Brigadier Khwaja Ziauddin who was Personal Secretary to Chief – PS (C). Later, at the rank of Brigadier, he served as Military Secretary (MS) to President Rafiq Tarar.  His general career pattern and service in staff positions suggests that if selected he will be more formal with no inclination for any new ideas.  In my view, if selected, he will be no better than Kayani.  Only positive thing is that he had served as Counter Terrorism (CT) Director at ISI.  Some see this as an asset while for others this is a liability in view of relationship of ISI with some militant groups.  In my view, he would have been good enough for a peacetime army but not a wartime army.  He is a better candidate for CJCSC position rather than COAS. 

 

Lieutenant General Raheel Sharif is from 54th PMA course and commissioned in October 1976.  He is currently serving as Inspector General of Training & Evaluation (IGT&E) after commanding XXX Corps based in Gujranwala.  He is from a military family and his father, two brothers and a brother-in-law served in the army.  His brother Major Shabbir Sharif is one of the most decorated soldiers of Pakistan army who was killed in action in 1971 war.  Life of sons or brothers of heroes is a difficult one as expectations are very high.  Shabbir was General Pervez Mussharraf’s course mate.  Shabbir was everything that Mussharraf wanted to be.  When Mussharraf became COAS, he was instrumental in grooming Raheel for higher ranks.  In fact, Raheel was selected as personal secretary to army chief but Mussharraf later changed his mind and instead sent him to prestigious Royal College of Defence Studies (RCDS) course in London. Raheel was COS of XXX Gujranwala Corps under Lieutenant General Abdul Qadir Baloch.  In major reshuffle in the aftermath of September 11, 2001, Qadir was sent to Quetta based XII Corps and he took Raheel with him as COS.  Mussharraf promoted him to major general rank and gave him prized postings as GOC of Lahore based 11th Infantry Division and Commandant of Military Academy at Kakul.  Raheel is a gentleman but almost all agree that for a peacetime army, it would make no difference but probably he is not suited to lead army engaged in a war.  I think Raheel himself knows it but Lieutenant General ® Abdul Qadir may whisper some good words about him in Sharif’s ears.

 

Lieutenant General Tariq Khan is from 55th PMA course and commissioned in April 1977.  He was best cadet winning coveted Sword of Honor.  He is currently commanding Mangla based I strike corps.  He is a Pushtun cavalry officer and his father was also a cavalry officer.  Tariq is from an aristocratic family and from the breed that didn’t join army for a secure job. After a brief stint of commanding an armored division, he first commanded infantry division in Waziristan and later as Inspector General Frontier Corps (IGFC) transformed a shattered FC.  In my view, he is the only officer among the contenders who has the qualifications for leading the army in the coming turbulent three years.  He is head and shoulders above his peers.  His straight forward and professional approach is sometimes construed as ‘hard headed’.  He has earned the nick name of ‘bulldozer’ for nothing.  I don’t know any other officer who has so much red ink in his file and that he made it so far is only due to his professional competence which even his detractors admit.  He was one of only two major generals highly regarded by Kayani for their professional competence (the other being Ahmad Shuja Pasha). 

 

Some label him as ‘rash’ and ‘pro-American’.  I can understand why some label him as ‘rash’.  Tariq is frank to the point of bluntness and not hesitant to speak his mind which invariably results in some friction.  He is a hard task master and in operations, he took decisions and many times clashed with his seniors while as Corps Commander he is training his formation hard.  In time of war, I’ll pick a so-called ‘rash’ officer anytime compared to someone who was busy opening restaurants and bakeries in cantonment or planning for expansion of defense housing schemes.  Some consider Tariq as ‘pro-American’ and I think this is due to his views about militancy.  He was one of the few senior officers who comprehended right from the beginning that menace of militancy is an existential threat to Pakistan.  It took several years for General Head Quarters (GHQ) to get this point.  He was at the forefront of many operations against militants.  He commanded an infantry division in South Waziristan and later as IGFC, he transformed a demoralized and broken formation into a credible fighting force.  U.S. provided funds for FC modernization and a handful of U.S. Special Forces soldiers provided limited training in some special skills. This very limited interaction is exaggerated due to lack of information.  In the last ten years, in addition to FC, Washington also supported intelligence agencies in technical matters as well as Pakistan’s Special Forces.  In view of deteriorating relations in the last two years, most of these relations have been terminated. 

 

In the last ten years, there has been increased military to military interaction between United States and Pakistan and a number of officers at different ranks visit U.S. for training and attend various seminars and conferences designed for senior officers.  Tariq has not done any course in United States nor attended any conference or seminar designed for senior officers.  His only American connection is stint as liaison officer at CENTCOM headquarters in Tampa at the rank of Brigadier (since 2001, a small team of Pakistani officers commanded by a Brigadier rank officer serve as liaison with CENTCOM).  In fact, in 2008, Americans had serious misgivings about his approach in Bajuar.  American military had embraced the counterinsurgency by that time and with the zeal of a new convert, they viewed Tariq’s approach as faulty and viewed it as scorched earth policy.  In Bajuar, years of neglect had resulted in hardened militant positions especially tunnels that needed heavy fire power.  Later, some Americans were content that at lest some Pakistani officers were doing that was needed to clear the badlands.  It was confluence of interests and not any special affinity of Tariq for Americans or vice versa.  In fact a professional and proud officer will work on common interests but will assert himself when needed.  When Tariq was IGFC, cross border fire resulted in death of two FC soldiers.  He put his foot down and pushed GHQ for a tough line.  Washington was forced to agree to a joint inquiry at Bagram and admit mistake.  General David Petraeus was forced to publicly apologize to Pakistan.  I can not recall when the last time Washington agreed to a joint inquiry during war and offered a public apology.

 

Tariq is the kind of officer to lead army in war time.  If selected, he will be a significant improvement from Kayani.  However, one needs to be realistic that even selected, he does not have the key to success.  He can be an important lever to contain and push back militancy but a true national effort will be needed to bring country back on tracks.  Taking territory from militants is a vital first step but in such kind of war you can not shoot your way to victory.  At some point, de-radicalization and re-integration especially of foot soldiers will be an important part of the strategy and there is concern that an officer who has spent so much time in fighting may ignore this important aspect. 

 

Lieutenant General Zaheer ul Islam is also from 55th PMA course and commissioned in April 1977.  He is currently Director General (DG) of Inter Services Intelligence (ISI).  He had an earlier stint as Director at ISI prior to his elevation to lieutenant general rank and posting as Corps Commander of Karachi based V Corps.  He is from a military family and belongs to the traditional military recruiting area of Salt Ranges near Rawalpindi. He is an average officer who has done usual command and staff stints but nothing exceptional in his professional career.  He is not likely in the race and even if selected, he will be about same as Kayani as far decision making is concerned.

 

No army including Pakistan army has any Rommel or Guderian among its ranks.  There is no ‘knight on white horse’ that will be the savior.  It is a hard road ahead for Pakistan and collective effort will be needed to steer the ship to calmer waters.  There will be difference of opinion but civil and military leaders should remember the basic fact that they are on the same team.  Criteria of selection of a senior officer for a peacetime army and an army at war should be different.  Simple fact is that Pakistan is at war and therefore officers with sound judgment, initiative, innovative ideas and very high professional standards should be considered for senior positions rather than docile and presumably ‘loyal’ who will not likely stir any discussion or debate at the decision making table. 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

Appendix: I

 

Lieutenant General ® Khwaja Ziauddin: A mild mannered gentleman and average officer.  There was no history of any problem between Mussharraf and Ziauddin.  Ziauddin was from Engineers Corps and their paths have not crossed during their professional career.  In September 1998, when Mussharraf was appointed COAS, he immediately settled down in Armor Mess (General Jahangir Karamat was still in Army House) and started shuffling the senior brass. Ziauddin then serving as Adjutant General (AG) was with him.  Two days later, Sharif announced appointment of Ziauddin as Director General Inter Services Intelligence (DGISI) without consulting Mussharraf.  He was now viewed by Mussharraf as Nawaz Sharif’s man and thus kept out of the loop.  Some of Ziauddin’s subordinates directly reported to army chief.  After Kargil conflict, the gulf between Sharif and Mussharraf widened over a very short period of time.  In October 1999, Sharif appointed Ziauddin as army chief when Mussharraf was out of country setting the chain of events that ended in fourth army take over. (For details of 1999 coup see Hamid Hussain.  Count Down).  Ziauddin was arrested and sacked from the army. 

 

Lieutenant General ® Abdul Qadir Baloch:  He is an ethnic Baloch and one of the first Baloch to become lieutenant general.  He is an average officer not known for any professional excellence.  Once he reached Major General rank, it was probably thought appropriate to promote him one step further for public relations efforts to announce that a Baloch had reached such a high rank.  He is a gentleman but has some rough edges and can be a bit difficult in personal relations.  He had the confidence of General Mussharraf who sent him as Director General (DG) Rangers of Sindh.  After promotion to Lieutenant General rank, he was given the command of Gujranwala based XXX Corps.  In the aftermath of September 11, 2001, with angry U.S. bull breathing down their necks forced military leadership to hastily change course.  There was some disagreement in the inner circle consisting of Corps Commanders and Principle Staff Officers (PSOs).  There was some concern on Mussharraf’s mind in view of a number of senior officers expressing doubts.  In October 2001, several senior officers were removed from key positions (Rawalpindi, Lahore, Quetta and Bahawalpur Corps commanders, DGISI and CGS were removed) and in this shuffle Qadir was moved from Gujranwala Corps to Quetta based XII Corps bordering Afghanistan.  The manner in which things were moved suggests that all was not well at the top.  Qadir was flown in an ISI plane to Quetta to immediately take charge.  After retirement, Qadir was appointed governor of Baluchistan province.  He developed differences with Mussharraf and resigned.  In an interview, Mussharraf passed some derogatory remarks about Qadir and this ticked him off.  He had no inclination for politics but after this incident, he contested 2008 elections as independent candidate and despite many hurdles finally entered the parliament.  He won his seat in 2013 elections, joined Nawaz Sharif’s faction of Pakistan Muslim League (PML-N) and appointed Minister of State for Tribal and State Affairs.

 

Lieutenant General ® Abdul Qayyum: He is a gunner officer who served as military secretary to Benazir Bhutto when she was prime Minister.  He had an extended tenure with Benazir and served both at Brigadier and Major General rank which is unusual.  He was on personal friendly terms with General Pervez Mussharraf who promoted him to lieutenant general rank and appointed him Chairman of Pakistan Ordnance factory (POF).  After retirement, he was appointed Chairman of Pakistan Steel Mill.  He developed some differences with government on privatization matters and removed from his post.  In view of his past association with Benazir, he was probably hoping that if she returned to power, he may get the coveted governorship of Punjab.  After Benazir’s assassination, he drifted towards Nawaz Sharif.  He is a gentleman but an average officer not known for any professional excellence. 

 

Brigadier ® Javed Iqbal Malik: He was military secretary to Prime Minister Nawaz Sharif at the time of 1999 coup. He sided with newly appointed army Chief Khwaja Ziauddin and he was the only officer who took some action.  In fact, Sharif had taken a pip from his shoulders and pinned on Ziauddin’s shoulders making him a four star general.  Javed quipped to Ziauddin that ‘Sir; you have been promoted General but I have been demoted to Colonel’.  When coup was set in motion by generals loyal to Mussharraf, a small team of soldiers under the command of Major Nisar went to television station and stopped the broadcast of appointment of new army chief.  Javed took an armed escort of elite police to television station to check what was going on.  Javed had a heated conversation with Major Nisar at television station control room and finally, Javed drew his handgun on Nisar, forcing him to order his men to disarm.  The army soldiers were locked in a room and the news of Mussharraf’s removal was re-broadcasted.  Later, a larger contingent of soldiers arrived at television station and pulled the plug.  After the coup, he was sacked from the army and went in exile to Saudi Arabia with Nawaz Sharif.

 

 

 

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HUM TUMEH KABHI NAHIN BHULEN GAYE : A VIDEO TRIBUTE TO SONS OF PAKISTAN WHO WERE MARTYRED IN WAR ON TERROR

 

 

  

 

Unknown-21

 

 

 

 

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Just give me my Aircraft
If I die in battle zone
Box me up & send me home
Put my medals on my chest
Tell my Mom I did my Best
Tell my nation not to cry
I was soldier born to die  … Officer Pakistan Air Force
 
 
..SENTIMENTS OF PAKISTANIS NEAR & FAR: DIL DIL PAKISTAN, JAAN, JAAN, PAKISTAN
 
Comments of  Retired Soldiers
 
I am sharing these pictures of our young Army, Navy, and Air Force Officers and Men who embraced Shahadat while safe guarding our beloved country,
fighting against terrorism.You will find a couple of views of my course mates including mine as well.
 
 
Thank you so much for sharing the photographs of Shaheed ‘s with me. I am truly shocked to see these many photographs. 
Being located so far away, I did not realize that so many young officers have already lost their lives for the defense of Pakistan.
I am sure that there must be many many more soldier/jawans who also lost their lives with these officers. 
 
May Almighty God give these shaheeds a place in heaven and their families strength to bear this loss. 
 
 
 

 

 

This is not the first time that we have lost wonderful young men defending Pakistan.On every call to duty our young and the spirited rose to the occasion and wrote chapters in bravery, leadership and comradeship under fire.

 

A Retired Soldier’s Thoughts

 
Since the day , I received this e-mail of yours, I have seen the pictures of our national heroes But something somewhere in my heart was boiling and all the time I tried to name it out but could not neither I could diagnose it that what is it all going there in my heart. At least it revealed to me that no doubt that I am a old man BUT not with a Dead Heart. There are mixed feeling of sadness , sorrow , grief but above all there was anger too .But unable to express my true feelings to convey. I am grateful to our dear friend Brig.Mehboob Qadir who has spoken my mind and I endorse the same. These heroes shall ever remain there in my heart and in my laptop till my eye sight fade out and my hands stop working to operate the lap top.

 

                        

Salute them – They gave their life for us..

  

 

 

 
 
 Captain Junaid Khan (Shaheed) of SSG . “Tamgha-e-Basalat”
 
 
TWO SHAHEEDS TOGETHER.. CAPT MUNEEB SHAHEED , CAPT. AMJAD SHAHEED. — 

 

 
 http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=9qoxLbZW9io
 
 
Captain Najam Riaz (SSG) Shaheed

 
Major Umair Khan Bangash TAMGHA-i-BASALAT’ shaheed
 
Captain Bilal Zafar Shaheed..
 
Squadron Leader Masood Rizvi Shaheed. 

 
 
 
Captain Fasih Babar Shaheed Presented Guard of Honor. He got commissioned in Pakistan army in October 2007. He had a wife and a son whose age was just about one and a half year. His funeral prayers were being offered in pindi.

 
 
 
 
 
 
RECIEVING ROCKET ON CHEST IS NOT AN EASY JOB.THERE ARE ONLY FEW WHO GET THIS HONOUR. AND THEY ARE THOSE CHOSEN ONE WHO ALWAYS KEEP THEIR HONOUR AND DIGNITY SUPREME.THEY ARE THE REAL HEROES AND HEROES DIE YOUNG.BILLAL YOUR HEROIC ACT WILL ALWAYS BE REMEMBERED. AND WILL REMAIN A SOURCE OF MOTIVATION FOR US..
 
 
 
 
 
MAJOR SHAOIB
Who survived the Mi 17 crash in jan  before dying on 14 july 2012 crash. 

 

After the crash he pulled out 2 men who have both survived and walked to the ambulance before collapsing unconscious. Unable to open his eyes, he told his wife to take care of his mother and 2 daughters before he was evacuated to Kharian Army burn hospital. He asked about Amir, his co pilot and coursemate who didnt survive the crash. Multiple heart attacks, swellings and infections finaly took him from us. His heroic act of valor in saving his crew while he himself burned will be not be forgotten. ALlah bless him the highest place in jannat. 

 
 
 
LT Wajeeh Bangash Shaheed after getting rid of 7 militants got a sniper shot on his head and embraced Shahadat! 

 

 
 
 
 
Capt. Raja Farhan Ali Shaheed…

 
 
 
 
Capt. Mannan Shaheed with His Mother…
 
 
 
Lt Colonel Amir abbas Shaheed With his 2 cute angels Syed Khariq Abbas n Syeda Areeza Abbas…

 

 
capt zubair shaheed.(left)

 

 
capt babar shaheed

 

 
Captain Doctor Muhammad Ali khan (Shaheed)
 
Capt. Abdul Qadir Khan who embrace shahadat on 20th October.He was born in 1983.He joined Pakistan Army in 2003.

 
Capt. tariq,survived a IED attack in march 2009,died in feb 11 in ops bar
Lt. Taimoor Shah , S/O Ashfaq Hussain Shah
A valiant Son of 71 Baloch Regiment Belongs to Haider 118 ..Taimoor was born on 14 Aug 1986
He Embraced shahdat Near Kashmoor On Sep 23, 2009…

 
Capt Tariq Jamal Shaheed……

 

 
Lieutenant Yasir (Shaheed) 
 
Capt Mannan Shaheed
 
Captain Dr. Sharjeel has just embraced Shahadat in waana Waziristan.
 
LT. Ammad (Shaheed) 
 
Captain Hassan Abid Shaheed.
 
Captain Haider Nawaz Murawat 
 
Lieutenant Faiz Sultan Awan Shaheed 

 
Lt Atta Ur Rehman Shaheed

 
Amjad Razaq Shaheed SSG(N)

 
Capt. Rahman.SSG, Shaheed

Memorable pic of Ft. Lt. Ali Raza Tarar Shaheed.
Muhammad Bin Hassan, son of Captain Hassan Shaheed.
Born of June 10,2011. 4 months after Capt. Hassan embrace Shahadat.

 
Major Zia ul Haq Shaheed. Embrace Shahadat on 30th July ,

 
 
 
 
Cute Son of Captain Rashid Hakeem (Shaheed) 
Mohammad Rashid… 

Squadron Leader Muhammad Hussain shaheed… 
Got Martyred on 14 of november in the incident of JF thunder crashed at a hill near the garrison town of Attock, 65 kilometres northwest of Islamabad..
May his Soul Rest In Peace ..

 
PROUD SONS OF MOTHERLAND PAKISTAN. Major Mujahid and Captain Usman — Embrace SHAHADAT together on Salala checkpost defending Pak Sarzameen! 22 other soldiers who Embrace Shahahdat with them

 
 Captain Salman (Shaheed)

 
 
Lt. Atta Shaheed
 
Maj Zaka (shaheed) his daughter widow,  a son was born after he died.

 
 
 
 
 
Shaheeds in PAF Trainer Crash

 

One year Old Son of Major Muddasir Bajwa (Shaheed)
 
 
 
Son of Major Zahid Bari (Shaheed)

MAY GOD BLESS THEM ALL 

 

 
 

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F Z Khan, Islamabad :Pakistan’s ‘Nuclear & Missile Club’ expands

Pakistan’s ‘Nuclear Club’ expands
 
 Letter to Editor
 
nasarA new short range ballistic missile Hatf-IX (NASR) has recently been added in Pakistan’s nuke club. NASR with a range of 60 km, have a quick response system, can carry four missiles, have high accuracy and ensures deterrence in evolving scenario. It was part of short-range surface-to-surface ballistic missile (SRBMs) and its medium-range ballistic missile (MRBM) is expected to be completed in three cycles by July of this year. A short-range ballistic missile (SRBM) is a ballistic missile with a range of about 1,000 km or less. It should be noted that Nasr is a modern missile, developed considering the evolving threats to ballistic missiles. Shaheen-IA is developed keeping the same threat in mind, and so will be the future ballistic missiles of Pakistan.
 
 NASR is a significant addition as it is designed to defeat all eminent anti-tactical missile defense systems. Small range Nuclear Warheads are not meant to wipe out cities. Instead their role is to wipe out enemy bases or a strategic point which is too hard to be conquered. This 60 km range battle field missile is meant to be used with Tactical Nukes – not Strategic – to stop advancing armor division’s entering into the country. Many strategic planners in New Delhi have long been of the opinion that there exist loopholes in the Pakistani deterrence at shorter ranges which can be exploited in the Indian Cold Start Doctrine to capture Pakistani territory. Therefore missile is considered to be more deadly then longer range missiles because as it lower the nuclear threshold (for tactical nukes). The Americans had at one point deployed similar short range battlefield nukes in East-Europe against the Soviets – to underscore the will to go all out nuclear against a larger invading force. It is called an effective deterrence.
 
The NASR is more likely to be utilized as a means of targeting static Indian military infrastructure close to the border with conventional warheads – a more accurate substitute to an MBRL. Shireen Mazari has termed NASR as counter to India’s limited war doctrine. We are signaling our acquisition of tactical missile capability and miniaturization technology. This will allow our already developed cruise missiles – the Hatf-VIII [Ra’ad] which is an air-launched cruise missile [ALCM] and Hatf-VII [Babur], which is a ground-launched cruise missile [GLCM] – to be miniaturized for sea-launched submarine capability in order to move on to a second-strike capability. This would help stabilize the nuclear deterrence and its credibility.” Missiles development does not mean offense but they serve as a deterrent when our hostile state is in race to increase its missile capability. Napoleon Bonaparte once said that “He who fears being conquered is sure of defeat”. Hence to defeat the fear, state has to take steps to fortify its defense. Scientists, military and nation should be congratulated for such developments which ensure state security.
 
 
 
F Z Khan, Islamabad 
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Pakistan’s Missile Program

Courtesy: http://blogs.transparent.com/urdu/pakistans-missile-program/

Posted on 05. Mar, 2013 by  

Motivated by ongoing hostilities with India, Pakistan embarked upon an intense ballistic missile development program in the early 1980′s. Overcoming technical naivete  substantial disadvantages in infrastructure and human capital relative to India, the imposition of U.S. and Missile Technology Control Regime (MTCR) sanctions, and the uncertainties of democratization, Pakistan gained a sophisticated missile arsenal in only 30 years.

 
 

The perceived strategic necessity of displaying the ability to execute a nuclear strike deep within India has sustained Pakistan’s interest in medium- and long-range missiles. The Congressional Research Service and other assessments continue to report ongoing Pakistani missile collaborations with China and North Korea. Pakistan also remains a non-signatory to the MTCR, but the last U.S. missile sanction laws against Pakistani entities were waived in 2003. Recent missile developments, such as the April 2011 test-firing of the short-range nuclear capable Hatf-9/NASR missile, indicate potential Pakistani interest in building a tactical nuclear capability. Pakistan considers its nuclear weapons to be national “crown jewels” and likely holds missile delivery systems in a similar regard. Barring substantial changes in South Asian geopolitics, a change in attitude seems unlikely.

Barring unprecedented industrial growth and a substantially enhanced defense-industrial base, Pakistan will likely continue its strategy of developing advanced missile systems with foreign assistance rather than pursuing the more expensive and less feasible option of pure indigenous development. Continued state patronage, fueled by competition with India, the high prestige accorded to Pakistan’s nuclear arsenal, and the symbolic value of diversifying missile delivery systems will likely sustain continued missile development in Pakistan.

Here are the missiles currently held by Pakistan:

Battlefield range ballistic missiles (BRBM):

  • Hatf-I/IA
  • Abdali-I
  • Nasr (Hatf-IX)

Short range ballistic missiles (SRBM):

  • Ghaznavi
  • Abdali-II

Medium range ballistic missiles (MRBM):

  • Ghauri I
  • Shaheen I
  • Ghauri II
  • Shaheen II

Intermediate range ballistic missiles (IRBM):

  • Ghauri-III
  • Shaheen-III (missile is under development)

Intercontinental ballistic missile (ICBM):

Taimur 7,000 km, a proposed ICBM which is believed to be under development

Cruise missiles:

  • Babur (Hatf VII) – ground-launched cruise missile (submarine-launched version under development)
  • Hatf-VIII (Ra’ad) – Air-launched Cruise Missile developed exclusively for launch from Aerial Platforms.

 

References:

defensenews.com

defence.pk

strategycenter.net

Wikipedia

intellectualtakeout.org

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BHAGHORA OF KARGIL NAWAZ SHARIF: Kargil was a big success for Pakistan: Musharraf

Kargil was a big success for Pakistan: Musharraf

 
 
 
 
Islamabad: Claiming that his 1999 Kargil operation was a “big success militarily”, former Pakistani president Pervez Musharraf has said that if the then prime minister Nawaz Sharif had not visited the US, the Pakistani Army would have “conquered” 300 square miles of India. 

He defended his action to launch the operation in Kargil in the wake of fresh allegations that he masterminded the intrusions. 

Referring to Lt Gen (retired) Shahid Aziz’s allegations that he had kept other military commanders in the dark about the operation, Musharraf said, “Telling everyone about it was not necessary at all”. 

He claimed Aziz had an “imbalanced personality” and had resorted to character assassination by making these accusations. 

 

“We lost the Kargil war, which was a big success militarily, because of (then premier) Nawaz Sharif…If he had not visited the US, we would have conquered 300 square miles of India,” Musharraf said in an interview with Express News channel. 

Though Pakistan had initially claimed mujahideen were responsible for occupying strategic heights along the Line of Control in early 1999, Musharraf later revealed in his autobiography ‘In The Line Of Fire’ that regular Army troops had participated in the operation. 

But Musharraf claimed the action in Kargil was a “localised” operation and not a major operation. 

“Kargil was just one of many sectors under a Major General stationed in Gilgit, (who was) in charge of the area. Exchange of fire was routine there,” he claimed. Musharraf said he would not go so far as to accuse former premier Nawaz Sharif of betrayal but his decision to withdraw from Kargil was a mistake. 

 

Unknown-2“Nawaz lost a political front which we had won militarily,” he claimed. 

The former general, who has been living in self-exile outside Pakistan since 2009, said the “prime consideration” for actions like the Kargil operation is security and secrecy. 

“So the Army leadership decides who is to be informed and when. As the operation progressed and the proper time arrived, a briefing of the corps commanders was held,” he said. 

Musharraf said he was “really astonished” that Aziz was writing about the events 10 years later. 

Blaming the nation at this juncture, as Aziz had done, seems to be “part of a conspiracy”, he claimed. 

“It was a tactical action that had a strategic importance in which no more than a few hundred persons were involved, but which engaged thousands on the Indian side and was of tremendous importance,” he claimed. 

Musharraf justified Pakistani casualties in the conflict, claiming the country lost only 270 men against India’s 1,600 soldiers. 

 
Courtesy
Press Trust of India
INDIAN VIEWPOINT: NEVER CALL A DEFEAT, A DEFEAT

Eyeball to eyeball   July 1999

India has to mask its initial intelligence failure by regaining the peaks regardless of heavy casualties. Both sides need a face-saving way out. Since early May there has been a see-saw military, political and diplomatic struggle between the two Subcontinental protagonists, Pakistan and India. Islamabad’s position has been that the guerrillas who have captured the heights overlooking the Drass-Kargil-Leh road, are Kashmiri freedom fighters struggling for their long-denied right of self-determination. 
 
 

India eventually decided, after examining the pros and cons of widening the conflict across the Line of Control (LoC) or even across the international border, on a strategy of containment within the narrower objective of regaining the Kargil heights. This narrower framework meant higher casualties on the Indian side because of the difficulty of traversing slopes against dug-in defenders where the terrain offers no cover.

New Delhi calculated that it does have the political will and military morale, despite the heavy casualties, and can sustain the cost in human and material terms. A near-consensus domestically and the willingness of the Indian military command to accept constraints allowed India to continue with an operation in which it suffered disproportionately heavy casualties.

With regard to Pakistan, the intriguing question is whether the Kargil heights seizure was part of the normal stepping up of guerrilla activity during summer, or whether it had more ambitious objectives. If it were the former, little can be added, except to mention in passing a failure of Indian intelligence. The guerrillas’ presence was only discovered by accident when two Indian army patrols happened to spot them. The true extent of the guerrilla presence did not sink in until the Indian army had carried out an aerial survey of the area, which revealed that between 400 to 700 guerrillas had seized the heights. This could have put them in a position in any future war to threaten the sole overland logistics link with the Indian forces deployed in Siachen, i.e. the Srinagar-Drass-Kargil-Leh road.

But the Kargil seizure could have other strategic objectives with military, political and diplomatic dimensions. Militarily, if the seizure could be maintained for a reasonable period of time and at least until winter sets in, it could open up possibilities of forcing either an Indian withdrawal from Siachen, or a trade-off between the Kargil heights and the Siachen Glacier.

Politically, it could reflect the impatience in Islamabad with lack of progress in bilateral discussions on Kashmir under the Lahore Declaration process after the fall of the BJP government in end-April. Despite the fact that Prime Minister Atal Behari Vajpayee of India heads a caretaker government until elections are held in September-October, the hope may have been to force New Delhi back to the negotiating table in a serious mode. Diplomatically, since the bilateral process had not yielded results, an internationalisa-tion of the Kashmir issue may have been sought to bring it back onto the frontburner.

If we assume for the sake of argument that all or some of these objectives formed part of the Pakistani thrust into Kargil, or at least were taken on board once things hotted up on the Line of Control, we can examine the results achieved or likely to be achieved in the foreseeable future and then draw up a balance sheet of gains and losses.

Missing Kashmir for Kargil

Militarily, the inherent difficulty of holding on to the Kargil heights in the face of overwhelming firepower and numbers has become a key question as the battle drags on. India has weighed the costs of heavy casualties against the bigger costs of potentially adverse international intervention if the conflict is widened. It has relied on the political consensus to hold on to Kashmir no matter what the cost, which informs its domestic political spectrum (the weak and scattered chinks of rationality represented by liberal opinion notwithstanding). India’s slow but definite gains against the guerrillas have produced collateral pressures for a withdrawal of the guerrillas from what is turning into a suicidal mission.

The political timing of the Kargil seizure, if the idea was indeed to force New Delhi back to serious negotiations, could not have been worse. A caretaker government heading into an election was hardly likely to be in a position to negotiate, let alone offer any flexibility or concession on such a major issue. There has been speculation in the Indian press after the visit to Pakistan by the US emissary General Anthony Zinni regarding proposals purportedly from Islamabad for India to allow safe passage to the guerrillas, quoting the precedent of the Hazrat Bal shrine siege. Whether these reports hold any water or not is not known.

However, Western diplomatic pressure on Islamabad is mounting, especially after Prime Minister Nawaz Sharif’s visit to Washington DC and London, and these could take various forms, economic, political, diplomatic. The dependence of the Pakistani economy on the goodwill of the West, and particularly the US, to keep foreign fund flows going makes Pakistan that much more vulnerable to ‘persuasion’.

It goes without saying that such ‘persuasion’ seeks to maintain the status quo on Kashmir, while advocating peaceful negotiations. Pakistan’s experience indicates that retaining the status quo has always proved favourable to India. Any disturbance of New Delhi’s hold on Kashmir, even if partial or temporary, serves to refocus the attention of the global community on a long-neglected, festering wound. But in trying to disturb the status quo in its favour, the manner in which Pakistan pursues this tactical goal is crucial. This cannot happen by ignoring the ground reality.

The Pakistani army chief, General Pervez Musharraf, put his finger on the problem by describing Kargil as “a tactical, military issue”, while Kashmir as such was “a strategic, political” one. In other words, to see only the Kargil part of the picture represented by the Kashmir problem, is to miss the forest for the trees. However, in the present instance, Islamabad appears to have failed to persuade the global powers-that-be of the justness of this linkage. On the contrary, opinion seems to have hardened in the West that the status quo must be restored before diplomatic “business as usual” can be resumed.

Most thinking people in Pakistan are by now convinced that there is no (regular) military option to obtain a solution to Kashmir, particularly after both India and Pakistan have demonstrated their nuclear capability. The irregular military option (guerrilla war) faces considerable political and ideological disabilities, especially since the Kashmir guerrilla movement has acquired a fundamentalist hue over time. This does not appear to be sufficiently inspiring for large numbers of the Kashmiri people who are well known for their traditional religious tolerance. This despite continuing repression by the Indian military in Kashmir.

Prime Minister Nawaz Sharif has been castigated by the right-wing, religious, fundamentalist opinion for stating an obvious truth that without both India and Pakistan going beyond their “stated positions”, no solution to the Kashmir problem is possible. The hue and cry against him for saying that, particularly in the Urdu press, reflects the limitations which restrict the country’s political leadership. No flexibility, political or diplomatic, is allowed to any Pakistani leader to even explore some middle ground. Any such suggestion is treated as treason, betrayal, the worst kind of skullduggery. For such ideologically ‘pure’ elements, it is either all or nothing as far as Kashmir is concerned.

Before it is too late, sober heads must begin to ponder how much cloth we have remaining and how to cut it. Passion cannot replace cool calculation required for a strategic plan for peace. The Pakistani leadership must take into account a heavily dependent economic structure, an inability to rouse the world’s conscience beyond rhetoric, and the lack of a solid consensus across the

domestic political divide. The risk is that any attempt to work out a strategy based on the art of the possible would fall foul of Pakistan’s ideological hawks.

 

 
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Indian Army Chief’s admission of Armoured debacle stuns the world

 

 
 
Indian Army Chief’s outrageous admission of Armoured debacle stuns the world

—General Kapoor says Indian army does not posses ability to fight armoured combat in night 
—Army Chief shameful admission makes Defence Minister Antony chew his buts 
—India’s numerical tank supremacy over Pakistan eliminated by Armoured Corps’ night blindness 
—India Arjun Tank eats dust while Pakistan Al-Khalid MBT remains a success story 
—India’s missile systems remain shady as nation celebrates 62nd Army Day

 

While the Indians celebrate 62nd Army Day, country’s Army Chief General Deepak Kapoor, just after a couple of weeks of announcing a new war doctrine of Indian army to eliminate Pakistan and China in matter of hours even if it has to fight on simultaneous fronts, outrageously admitted Indian Army’s Armoured debacle and expressed concern about the force’s ‘night blindness’ in the area of Armoured Corps and mechanised infantry. ‘My major concern is that night blindness of the army is removed so we are able to fight in the night as in the day,’ Kapoor said at New Delhi Yesterday, an admission that stunned the world in the back drop of his two weeks old remarks.

 The situation also forced Indian Defence Minister Antony to chew his own buts as he had been endorsing and projecting General Kapoor’s announcement regarding the new war doctrine for Pakistan and China  Earlier, when his attention was brought to the fact that the Indian Army’s tanks have a night vision capability of 20 percent, Pakistan’s have 80 percent while China has 100 percent, General Deepak Kapoor admitted this outrageous military debacle by saying: ‘You are right.’ 

‘Projects are already in the pipeline to ensure that we have the night vision capability that our adversaries have. It may take three-four years,’ Kapoor added. The lack of night vision capability of the Indian Army has affected its fighting capability during the night. The deficiency has been persistent since the Kargil conflict.

On a query about the obsolete artillery of the Indian Army, the army chief said that successive bans have delayed acquisition of new guns for long. ‘Artillery is a cause for concern. We need to have better guns. Trials for towed guns are underway. Because of bans the process got delayed. We are now acquiring (ultra light) guns through FMS (Foreign Military Sales) route (from the US),’ Kapoor added.


But the latest admission of Indian Army Chief about failure of its armoured corps to fight a battle in the night time is an additional and a rather huge disadvantage to the Indian Army and crystal clearly negates the claims of Indian Army Chief regarding smooth victory in case Indian army has to fight a war with Pakistan or China or even both at the same time.The Daily mail’s investigations into the matter reveal that despite a numerical strength of tanks over Pakistan, Indian army otherwise armoured and infantry capabilities are even below average if compared with Pakistan Army.  According to these findings, Indian armoured corps comprises around 4, 059 tanks with a backup of 1, 133 as reserve while Pakistan Army’s Tank strength is 2,401 with a backup of 270 as reserves. However this numerical supremacy of Indian army is outraged with the fact that Indian armoured corps relies mainly on its Main Battle Tank (MBT) Arjun which emerged as a big failure while Pakistan Army’s armoured corps’ main strength has become Al-Khalid MBT which is a great success story, endorsed across the world. 

The Daily Mail’s findings further disclose that India’s MBT Arjun is more flab than brawn. More a heavyweight than a performer. A potpourri really, with a French engine, and German seals fitted into an Indian hull and turret. And transporting this heavyweight is going to be another problem, which could limit its operational performance. These findings further indicate that Arjun has indeed suffered throughout its development, from confusion and inexplicable delays and by imbalances between the Army, the DRDO and the bureaucracy. Pakistan by contrast, has drawn a lesson from the Indian experience and avoided the trap of over lasting her R&D’s indigenous know-how in the development of its MBT  Al-Khalid.

The Daily Mail’s findings indicate that Arjun mounts a 120mm rifled gun deadly in lethal power but wanting in accuracy. Its performance in various trails was reported to be anything but up to the mark. It is believed that during in March 1990, General V. N. Sharma, the then Army Chief of Staff and an armoured expert, was “quite wild” when only three of the five rounds hit the 5X5 meter target and no hit was scored against a moving target.

According to Major General M. L. Popli (retd.) of the Indian Army, Arjun’s production was basically planned as an ambitious project with complete indigenous components and assemblies but it was later revealed that the Arjun’s sub-systems were all imported except for the hull and the turret. The imported assemblies include all major sub-systems such as engine, transmission, track-suspension, gin and fire control. Our experts are of the view that their integration, “leaves much to be desired”. The auxiliary power unit from France did not perfectly fit in the tank, with the German seals not meeting the General Staff qualitative requirements of withstanding temperatures up to 150 degree Centigrade. The barely measured up to 120 degrees. Arjun is therefore quite a “fuss” with the French engine, with German seals fitted into the Indian hull and turret mounting a not very accurate 120mm gun. 

Armoured experts say that another problem thrown up by the heavyweight is its transportation. Arjun could present a lot of problem for transportation by railways particularly through certain portions of the system. This imposes very serious limitations on the Arjun’s operational performance. In most of the field armies, the tank transporters and assault bridges are not usually designed to take such heavy weights. These aspects mostly highlight the engineering and operational problems.

According to The Daily Mail’s findings, global military analysts say that Pakistan adopted a step-by-step approach towards the manufacture of its MBT-2000 Khalid, and this is the single most important reason for having stolen a march over India. They are of the opinion that the Indian project was too ambitious, whereas Pakistan’s approach was more systematic comprising the following phases and that was why Pakistan Army got a well prepared MBT while the Indian Armoured Corps was equipped with huffing, overweight and inaccurate Tank system.

The Daily Mail findings indicate that clear technical and professional edges of Pakistan Army’s Armoured Corps over Indian Army’s Armoured Corp  are valid reasons to make General kapoor a really apprehensive Chief of Indian Army. These findings indicate that Pakistan’s MBT-2000 Khalid mounts a 125mm gun with thermal image converter. Maximum efforts were devoted to getting the machine souped up as possible mainly to cut down weight. Just compare the 60 tons Arjun with the maximum 44 tons Al- Khalid.

It is essential to mention that Al-Khalid is equipped with 105mm gun with a more powerful engine, special armour for increased protection in the indigenously built laser range finder and thermal image sighting system to maximize the gun range even in the hours of acute darkness, enabling Pakistan Army’s armoured Corps to enjoy a complete technical and professional Supremacy of over Indian Armoured Corps; a fact that now worries Indian Army Chief the most. 

Further more, Al-Khalid MBT has an integrated fire control system for reducing engagement time and increasing accuracy, along with the automatic fire support system. This tank’s most lethal component, the penetrater ammunition called Armour Piercing Fin Stabilized Discarding Sabot (APFSDS), is also being indigenously produced. This project has been designated P-87. Currently, a series of such closely related projects to manufacture hull, turret, gun barrels and engines are in various stages of planning-execution. All these will finally merged into a tank manufacturing factory that will produce MBT-2000 Khalid.

The Daily Mail’s findings indicate that despite the disgraceful admission of the Indian Army Chief regarding Indian Armoured Corps’ inability to combat a battle in the night, the Indian Army is already going through a very depressed and dejected phase and many of the missile systems, given to the Indian army have also emerged as seriously faulty and rather super-flops battle tools. These investigations indicate that many of the tests of Missile systems, carried out by Indian DRDO and declared officially as successful, have actually got a highly dubious result history.

The Daily Mail’s investigations reveal that the failure in rapid succession of Astra missile system, a satellite launcher and a new ballistic missile have shown up the technological and budgetary difficulties faced by India’s space establishment, both civilian and military. These investigations indicate that India’s intermediate-range ballistic missile “Agni III” that was launched by the secretive Defense Research Development Organization (DRDO) failed soon after liftoff  and crashed into the Bay of Bengal, less than 1,000 kilometers away from the launch site.

The failure of the Agni III was a very serious matter because it exposed the political limitations of India’s attempts, despite its ambitions, to pursue a military capability. The surface-to-surface ballistic missile, designed to have a range of 3,500 kilometers, took off in a “fairly smooth” manner at the designated hour. But “a series of mishaps” occurred in its later flight path. Earlier, India decided to postpone the missile test out of fear that a test could hamper US Congressional ratification of the India-US nuclear cooperation deal. 

Publicly, the then Indian Defense Minister cited “self-imposed restraint” to justify the postponement. However, General Peter Pace, Chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff of the US military, visited India and declared that “I do not see it [a test] as destabilizing” or upsetting the regional “military balance” since “other countries in this region” (read, Pakistan) have also tested missiles. Following this “facilitation” or clearance, and after indications of favorable votes in US Congressional committees on the nuclear deal, India’s stand changed. 

A week later, the DRDO announced it was ready to launch Agni-III. This was the ninth missile in the Agni series (named after the Sanskrit word for “fire”) to have been tested. The first was tested in May 1989. The last test (Agni-II) took place in August 2004. The Daily Mail’s investigations indicate that unlike major powers including the US, Russia or China, which test the same missile 10 to 20 times before announcing that it is fully developed, India considers only three or four test flights to be enough for both producing and inducting new missiles and thus ended up with inaccurate results and the success story was announced in a hasty manner. 

These investigations disclose that this was not the first time that the test of an Agni series missile failed. As earlier, some tests of the shorter range Agni-II (range 2,000 kilometers-plus) also proved unsuccessful. However what made the Agni-III’s failure significant was that unlike its shorter-range predecessors, it was a wholly new design, developed with the specific purpose of delivering a nuclear warhead.

The Daily Mail’s findings indicate that Agni-I (range 700 to 800 kilometers) and Agni-II were both products of India’s space program and connected to its Integrated Guided Missile Development Program (IGMDP), itself launched in 1983. Originally, their design used a satellite space-launching rocket (SLV-3) as the first stage, on top of which was mounted the very short-range (150 to 250 kilometers) liquid fuel-propelled Prithvi missile. The Agni-III’s brand new design, in which both stages use solid propellants, was to enable it to carry a payload weighing up to 1.5 tons and deliver it to targets as far away as Beijing and Shanghai. At present, India lacks an effective nuclear deterrent vis-a-vis China, based on a delivery vehicle carrying a nuclear warhead. Agni-III was meant to fill the void.

The causes of the failure of the test flight are not clear. Scientists at the DRDO, which designed and built the missile, have been quoted as saying that many new technologies were tried in the Agni-III, including rocket motors, “fault-tolerant” avionics and launch control and guidance systems. Some of these could have failed. Other reports attribute the mishap to problems with the propellant.

“The DRDO isn’t the world’s most reliable weapons R&D agency,” Admiral L Ramdas, a former Chief of Staff of the Indian Navy, told The Daily Mail. “The Indian armed services’ experience with DRDO-made armaments has not been a happy one. Their reliability is often extremely poor. We often used to joke that one had to pray they would somehow work in the battlefield,” he added “The figure of the budget of DRDO is extremely high for a poor country like India, with a low rank of 127 among 175 countries of the world in the United Nations Human Development Index,” said Anil Chowdhary of the Coalition for Nuclear Disarmament and Peace. “Yet the DRDO has delivered very little.”

The Daily Mail’s findings indicate that none of the three major projects assigned to the DRDO were completed on time or without huge cost-overruns. These include the development of a Main Battle Tank (MBT), a nuclear power plant for a submarine, and an advanced Light Combat Aircraft (LCA), all involving expenditures of hundreds of millions of dollars.
 “The primary reason for these shocking instances of underperformance and inability is lack of public accountability and oversight of the DRDO,” says M V Ramana, an independent technical expert attached to the Center for Interdisciplinary Studies in Environment and Development, Bangalore.

“The DRDO, like all of India’s defense and nuclear service establishments, is not subject to normal processes of audit. It has used ’security’ as a smokescreen or shield and refused to be held to account,” he adds. The Daily Mail’s investigations disclose that Pakistan, in sharp contrast, has always accorded high priority to its air defence management, with its multi-tier surveillance cover, air defence fighters, quick-reaction, short-range missiles and an integrated control and reporting system. The Indian Armed Forces, however, continues to make do with its obsolete air defence systems, The IAF, for instance, has aging Pechora, Igla-1M and OSA-AK missile systems, and that, too, in woefully inadequate numbers. While Trishul was to replace its OSA-AK weapons system, Akash was meant as a substitute for Pechora.

 The Daily Mail’s findings reveal further that But both the Trishul and Akash air defence missile systems, which are part of the original Integrated Guided Missile Development Programme launched as far back as 1983, have been dogged by development snags in their “command guidance and integrated Ramjet rocket propulsion” systems. Trishul, for instance, has been tested over 80 times so far without coming anywhere near becoming operational. It was, in fact, virtually given up for dead in 2003 after around Rs 300 crore was spent on it, before being revived yet again.

Trishul’s repeated failure, in fact, forced the Indian Navy to go in for nine Israeli Barak anti-missile defence systems for its frontline warships, along with 200 Barak missiles, at a cost of Rs 1,510 crore during the 1999 Kargil conflict. The Daily Mail’s investigations reveal that India’s missile scientists are on record to have said that the country’s indigenous missile programme is flagging and needs foreign assistance to revive it. The embarrassing admission came amid claims by Indian analysts that Pakistan’s missile programme had proved to be more robust and surefooted than India’s. 

The Mail Today, an Indian newspaper is on record to have quoted the Defence Research and Development Organisation (DRDO) as announcing that it would scrap its 25-year Integrated Guided Missile Development Programme (IGMDP) very soon. Talking about the Trishul surface-to-air missile that has now been termed a technology demonstrator, former Indian Naval Chief Sushil Kumar said:“It was a national embarrassment. DRDO made fake claims for 25 years. In the 1999 Kargil conflict, the Navy was vulnerable to attacks from Pakistan’s Harpoon.

“Finally the project was scrapped when the Navy went in for the Israeli Barak missiles. The Prithvi’s naval variant, Dhanush, is also flawed and ill-conceived, which is being inflicted on the Indian Navy. Former Air Chief S. P. Tyagi said:“Akash was to be ready at a certain time, but it wasn’t. I had to change everything to make up for the delay.” Both missiles were part of a programme to develop indigenous weapons, which began in July 1983, with plans for Agni, Prithvi, Trishul, Akash and Nag missiles.

The IGMDP, which was aimed at achieving self-sufficiency in missile development and production, comprises five core missile programmes; the strategic Agni ballistic missile; the tactical Prithvi ballistic missile; the Akash and Trishul surface-to-air missiles and the Nag anti-tank guided missile.  Indian newspaper, The Mail Today quotes S. Prahlada, Chief of the Control Research and Development, DRDO, as saying that development and production of most of the futuristic weapon systems would henceforth be undertaken with foreign collaboration.

With regard to the nuclear-capable Agni series, comprising I and II, the newspaper quoted army sources as saying while they had been tested five times each “a handful of tests are not enough to prove a missile’s worth”. There were different problems with other systems too. “Pakistan has always been one step ahead of India in its missile programme,” the newspaper said, adding that Islamabad has “a much more robust missile force than India, one capable of launching nuclear weapons to any part in this country.” Unlike Indian missiles, which were declared “inducted” after a few tests, the Pakistani projectiles have always been thoroughly tested.

With this state of affairs in the direction of the missile systems, coupled the Armoured Corps’s inability to combat a night vision battle, one should must salute the Indian Military leadership to have come up with the announcement of evolving an innovative war doctrine to crush Pakistan as well as China and that too in hours’ time

Pakistan’s Main Battle Tanks (MBT)

Article by outflankers at February 24th, 2012
Leopard 2

A tank is a tracked, armoured fighting vehicle designed for front-line combat which combines operational mobility and tactical offensive and defensive capabilities. Firepower is normally provided by a large-calibre main gun in a rotating turret and secondary machine guns, while heavy armour and all-terrain mobility provide protection for the tank and its crew, allowing it to perform all primary tasks of the armoured troops on the battlefield.

Al-Khalid: Al-Khalid is designed with a 125 mm (length: 48 calibers) smoothbore, auto-frottage and chrome-plated gun barrel which can fire the following types of conventional ammunition: APFSDS, HEAT-FS and HE-FS. Despite a common belief that the gun is Chinese, it was later changed to a modified variant of KBA-3 series of 125 mm smooth bore gun for Al-khalid MBT which provided compatibility with Ukrainian ATGMs such as Combat. Gun-launched, laser-guided anti-tank guided missiles can also be launched and two types are believed to be in use on the Al-Khalid, the Russian-designed 9M119 Refleks (AT-11 Sniper) produced in China under license and the Ukrainian-designed Combat, which may have been modified in Pakistan to incorporate a larger warhead. Al-Khalid also fires a Pakistani DU round, the Naiza 125 mm DU round (armor penetration: 550 mm in RHA at 2 km). Al-Khalid is equipped with a muzzle reference system and dual-axis stabilization system. Elevation and azimuth control is achieved by electro-hydraulic power drives. The automatic ammunition-handling system for the main gun has a 24-round ready-to-fire magazine and can load and fire at a rate of eight rounds per minute.

The tank is also equipped with a 7.62 mm-coaxial machine gun, a 12.7 mm externally-mounted air-defence machine gun that can be aimed/fired from within the tank and smoke grenade launchers. The gunner is provided with a dual magnification day sight and the commander with a panoramic sight for all-around independent surveillance. Both sights are dual-axis image stabilized and have independent laser range-finders. The tank has true hunter-killer capability, giving the commander the ability to acquire new targets independently while the gunner is engaging another target. The automatic target-tracking system is designed to work when tank and target are both moving. Night vision for the gunner and commander is achieved through a dual-magnification thermal imaging sight. Both sights are integrated with the fire-control system. The production Al-Khalid tank has a fire-control system of western origin. In the MBT 2000, the Chinese Norinco fire-control system has inputs from ten sensors. The ballistic computation time is less than one second. The manufacturer claims routine first round hits on standard 8 ft (2.4 m) square targets at ranges over 2,000 meters.

  • Effective range: 200 to 7,000 meters
  • Sensor: laser ranging from 200 to 9,990 meters
  • French Auto-tracking, interfaced with gunner station, firing four types of munitions, gunner’s thermal imaging sight, commander’s image intensification night vision sight, gyro-stabilized and UPS power supply system.

The tank is equipped with the “Integrated Battlefield Management System” (IBMS), named ‘Rehbar’, a digital communications system developed domestically by HIT and CARE (Centre for Advanced Research in Engineering). It comprises a flat-screen display mounted inside the tank which communicates with those of other vehicles, including command posts such as the HIT Sakb. It uses a data-link to facilitate secure communication of battlefield information between units, including tank video footage and information from unmanned aerial vehicles (UAV).

The production model Al-Khalid is powered by a 6TD-2 liquid-cooled diesel engine, designed by the Kharkiv Morozov Design Bureau (KMDB) of Ukraine. The 6TD-2 is a supercharged 6-cylinder engine delivering 1,200 horsepower (890 kW). The 2-stroke design, with the pistons arranged horizontally in an opposed piston configuration, makes the engine very compact and therefore more suitable for being fitted into relatively small vehicles such as the Al-Khalid MBT. The 6TD-2 engine drives a French-designed hydro-mechanical automatic transmission, the SESM ESM500, also fitted to the Leclerc MBT. Capable of manual and fully automatic power-shifting, the transmission has 5 forward and 2 reverse speeds along with a braking system that incorporates carbon friction brakes and a secondary speed-retarding system. Gear shifts are controlled by a torque converter which is made more efficient by addition of an automatic lock-up clutch.

There is also a mechanical back-up system for use in emergencies, able to shift 2 gears forward and reverse. The suspension consists of torsion bars, hydraulic dampers and buffers, whose role is to provide a stable firing platform while the tank is moving at speed over rough terrain and as smooth a ride as possible to reduce crew fatigue. The tracks are mounted on six dual wheels with rubber tires, a drive sprocket at the rear and an idler at the front. They are protected by side skirts, the forward sections of which can be fitted with explosive reactive armor, and track wear is reduced by replaceable rubber track pads. The Al-Khalid is fairly lightweight by Western standards, weighing 46 tons compared to the 60 tone M1 Abrams and Leopard 2. A power-to-weight ratio of 26.66 hp/tonne gives acceleration from 0 to 32 km/h (0 to 20 mph) in 10 seconds and a maximum speed of 70 km/h, the speed and agility also helping to improve survivability. A snorkel allows the tank to cross water obstacles up to 5 meters deep, after some preparation by the crew. Navigation is assisted by an inertial navigation system (INS) and a GPS satellite navigation system.

Al-Khalid has modular composite armor and explosive reactive armor, nuclear-biological-chemical defences, an effective thermal smoke generator, internal fire extinguisher and explosion-suppression system. The infra-red signature of the tank is reduced by infra-red reflective paint. Al-Khalid 1 is equipped with a newly developed indigenous ERA which is not only light weight, but also more resistant to APFSDS, HEAT and HE-FS rounds. ERA is developed by Global Industries and Defense Solutions (GIDS) Corporation. Al-Khalid is also equipped with an Active protection system known as VARTA (guards) which is a Ukrainian modification of Russian Shtora APS system. HIT is also working on an indigenous APS system for future batches especially for Al-Khalid 2.

An advanced laser detection system from Al Technique Corporation (ATCOP) is present, the ATCOP LTS 1 laser threat warning system developed by Institute of Industrial Control Systems. LTS 1 consists of a mast-mounted sensor and operator’s control box, which includes a display showing threats 360 degrees around the tank. It can detect laser rangefinders and laser target designators as well as respond automatically by triggering acoustic alarms, smoke generators and other countermeasure systems. LTS 1 can detect laser devices operating in the 0.8 to 1.06 µm waveband, has a 360° field of view in azimuth (resolution of 15°) and a field of view in elevation of -15° to +90°. Operating voltage is 12 V or 24 V DC nominal with power consumption being 8 W nominal. The sensor head is 165 mm in diameter and 35 mm high while the control box is 80 x 130 x 55 mm in size. Laser Threat Sensor LTS786P is an early warning device which gives audio and visual alarms of threat by sensing a laser beam aimed at it from any direction. The exact location of the threat (in-coming beam) is indicated by nine LEDs, covering all directions above horizon. It has the capability to differentiate between a Laser Range Finder, Laser Target Designator or a Laser Target Tracker Signal. In addition, provision of sensor output signal, interfacing for appropriate counter-measures, is also available. It can be used on stationary or moving objects of any size or shape. Maximum operating Range is 10 km.

al-khalid1
Al-Khalid2
 

T-80: The T-80 is similar in layout to the T-64; the driver’s compartment is on the centre line at the front, the two man turret is in the centre with gunner on the left and commander on the right, and the engine is rear mounted. Overall, its shape is also very similar to the T-64. The original T-80 design uses a 1,000 horsepower gas turbine instead of a 750 horsepower diesel engine, although some later variants of the T-80 revert to diesel engine usage. The gearbox is different, with five forward and one reverse gear, instead of seven forward and one reverse. Suspension reverts from pneumatic to torsion bar, with six forged steel-aluminium rubber-tyred road wheels on each side, with the tracks driven by rear sprockets. The glacis is of laminate armor and the turret is armored steel. The turret houses the same 125 mm 2A46 smoothbore gun as the T-72, which can fire anti-tank guided missiles as well as regular ordnance. The tracks are slightly wider and longer than on the T-64 giving lower ground pressure. The main gun is fed by the Korzina automatic loader. This holds up to 28 rounds of two-part ammunition in a carousel located under the turret floor. Additional ammunition is stored within the turret.

The ammunition comprises the projectile (APFSDS, HEAT or HE-Frag) plus the propellant charge, or the two part missile. The autoloader is an effective, reliable, combat tested system which has been in use since the mid-1960s. The propellant charge is held inside a semi-combustible cartridge case made of a highly flammable material – this is consumed in the breech during firing, except for a small metal baseplate. The T-80s main gun has a range longer than that of western tanks, being capable of engaging targets at a range of 5,000 m. The T-80′s armor is made of composite armor on the turret and hull, while rubber flaps and sideskirts protect the sides and lower hull. The later T-80 models use explosive reactive armor and stronger armor, like the T-80U and T-80UM1. Other protection systems include the Shtora-1 and Arena APS, as well as the discontinued Drozd APS (though a limited number of T-80Us have them installed).

T-80
 

T-54/55: Like many post-World War II tanks, the T-54 and T-55 have a conventional layout with fighting compartment in the front, engine compartment in the rear, and a dome-shaped turret in the centre of the hull. The driver’s hatch is on the front left of the hull roof. The commander is seated on the left, with the gunner to his front and the loader on the right. The tank’s suspension has the drive sprocket at the rear, and dead track. Engine exhaust is on the left fender. There is a prominent gap between the first and second road wheel pairs, a distinguishing feature from the T-62, which has progressively larger spaces between road wheels towards the rear.

The T-54 and T-55 tanks are outwardly very similar and difficult to distinguish visually. Many T-54s were also updated to T-55 standards, so the distinction is often downplayed with the collective name T-54/55. Soviet tanks were factory-overhauled every 7,000 km and often given minor technology updates. Many states have added or modified the tank’s equipment; India, for example, affixed fake fume extractors to its T-54s and T-55s so that its gunners wouldn’t confuse them with Pakistani Type 59s. The older T-54 can be distinguished from the T-55 by a dome-shaped ventilator on the front right of the turret and a driver-operated SGMT 7.62 mm machine gun mounted to fire through a tiny hole in the centre of the hull’s front. Early T-54s lacked a gun fume extractor, had an undercut at the turret’s rear, and a distinctive “pig-snout” gun mantled.

t-54/55
 

Al-Zarrar: Al-Zarrar’s primary armament is a 125 mm smoothbore tank gun with an auto frottage, chrome-plated gun barrel. It is capable of firing APFSDS, HEAT-FS and HE-FS rounds as well as anti-tank guided missiles and a Pakistani DU (depleted uranium) round, the 125 mm Naiza. Naiza is capable of penetrating 550 mm of RHA armor at a distance of 2 km. Reloaded by a semi-automatic autoloader, the gun has a dual-axis stabilization system and thermal imaging sights for the commander and gunner integrated into the fire-control system. The image stabilized fire-control system includes a laser range-finder for accurate range information and ballistics computer to improve accuracy. An improved gun control system is also fitted. The secondary armament consists of an external 12.7 mm anti-aircraft machine gun mounted on the roof of the turret, which can be aimed and fired from inside the tank, and a 7.62 mm coaxial machine gun.

The Al-Zarrar is powered by a liquid-cooled 12-cylinder diesel engine, giving a power output of 730 hp (540 kW) and torque output of 305 kg at 1300–1400 rpm. A combat weight of 40 tones gives Al-Zarrar a power-to-weight ratio of 18.3 hp/tone and a top speed of 65 km/h. Crew comfort is improved over the Type 59 by a modified torsion bar suspension system.

Al-Zarrar uses modular composite armor and explosive reactive armor to give improved protection from anti-tank missiles, mines and other weapons. The Pakistani ATCOP LTS-1 laser threat warning system is fitted to inform the tank crew if the tank is targeted by a laser range-finder or laser designator. Smoke grenade launchers are fitted to the sides of the turret. An automatic fire-extinguishing and explosion suppression system is installed to improve crew survivability.

Alzarar1
Alzarrar2

India Reverses Gear, Puts Arjun Tank Back in Production

Jan 28, 2013 12:16 UTC by Defense Industry Daily staff

 
Latest updates [?]: Article updates; What’s in Arjun Mk.2?; What’s beyond Arjun?
Arjun tank

Arjun tank
(click to view full)

India’s indigenous Arjun tank project began in 1974, and originally aimed to replace the Russian T-54 and T-72 tanks which made up the bulk of that country’s armored firepower. As has often been the case in India, its DRDO government weapons development agency sought an entirely made in India solution, even though this would require major advances on a number of fronts for Indian industry. As has often been the case in India, the result was a long and checkered history filled with development delays, performance issues, mid-project specifications changes by India’s military, and the eventual purchase of both foreign substitutions within the project (now 58% of the tank’s cost) and foreign competitors from outside it (the T-90S).

The 58.5 tonne Arjun tank wasn’t fielded with the Indian Army until May 2009. In contrast, Pakistan’s much more time-limited, scope-limited, and budget conscious approach in developing and successfully fielding its T-80UD “Al-Khalid” tank external link is often cited by Arjun’s detractors.

The Russian T-90S will form the mainstay of India’s future force, despite that tank’s performance issues in hot weather external link. That won’t change, but after beating the T-90 in a number of trials, the Arjun now has a clear future in India…

 

 

 

Arjun Cap, and T-90S Trade

T-90 Catching Air

T-90, backside ollie

The Arjun is an indigenous project, but not wholly so. Imported items such as the engine/ power pack, gunner’s main sight, and other components account for 58% of each tank’s cost. This is not uncommon around the world. Israel’s Merkava tank family also relies on a foreign-built engine, for instance, as does France’s Leclerc.

It is uncommon among Indian policy-makers, but the reality is that a series of project failures gave them little choice. The Arjun has been plagued with a mix of problems over its 36-year development history, including its fire control system, suspension issues, and poor mobility due to excessive weight. It has also grown from a 40-tonne tank with a 105mm gun, to a 62-67 tonne tank with a 120mm gun. Predictably, project costs spiraled up from Rs 15.5 crore in 1974 to Rs 306 crore (INR 3.06 trillion). The army was not pleased. In an unusual stance, they accepted the tank only after a third-party audit by an international tank manufacturer, and orders were strictly limited.

The Indian army didn’t even stand up its 1st Arjun armored regiment until May 2009, 35 years after the program began. To underscore the point, even that milestone followed a development that seemed to end the platform’s future. In July 2008, India had announced that production of the Arjun would be capped at the already-committed total of 124 vehicles. Instead, development would begin on a new next-generation tank, designed to survive and serve until 2040 or so.

That appeared to close the book on a failed project, but opinion in India was sharply split. Many observers cited this as the final failure. Other were noting the problems with the T-90s, and the Army’s refusal to conduct side-by-side tests, alongside recent test successes that began earning the Arun some military fans. In May 2010 desert trials alongside the T-90S, the Arjun did surprisingly well.

In response, the government and the Army changed course somewhat. Arjun production would double to 248. That’s an improvement, but DRDO insists that a 500 vehicle order is needed to

give them the volume needed to iron out all production difficulties, and provide a platform for future development.

Reference 

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