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Archive for category NAWAZ SHARIF US & SAUDI AGENT

Miss.Gulloo Butt

 

 

GO NAWAZ GO, GO NAWAZ GO

Ms. Gullo Butt of Shameless Sharif Brothers
Ye hain PMLN ki Punjab Women police. Dhoob Maro CM Punjab

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Zardari’s & Nawaz Sharif’s Corruption highlighted in Raymond Baker’s book on Dirty Money

Zardari’s & Nawaz Sharif’s Corruption highlighted in Raymond Baker’s book on Dirty Money

Raymond Baker in his book Capitalism’s Achilles Heel: Dirty Money and How to Renew the Free-Market System tried to understand the dynamics of how dirty money works, in his book he elaborately covers the Corruption in Pakistan and takes a swing at both Benazir Bhutto & Nawaz Sharif to say [Credit @Aleem_Ashraf]
Corruption and criminality run from the top down, with the political class constantly looting the national treasury and distorting economic policy for personal gain. Bank loans are granted largely on the basis of status and connections. The rich stash much of their money abroad in those willing western coffers, while exhibiting little inclination to repay their rupee borrowings. Pakistan’s recent history has been dominated by two families—the Bhuttos and the Sharifs—both merely tolerated by the military, the real power in the country. When it comes to economic destruction, there’s not a lot of difference among the three.
Pages 82-85 of the book cover the section on Nawaz Sharif: 
Nawaz Sharif became a director and cultivated relations with senior military officers. This led to his appointment as finance minister of Punjab and then election as chief minister of this most populous province in 1985.
While Benazir Bhutto hated the generals for executing her father, Nawaz Sharif early on figured out that they held the real power in Pakistan. His father had established a foundry in 1939 and, together with six brothers, had struggled for years only to see their business nationalized by Ali Bhutto’s regime in 1972. This sealed decades of enmity between the Bhuttos and the Sharifs. Following the military coup and General Zia’s assumption of power, the business—Ittefaq—was returned to family hands in 1980.  During the 1980s and early 1990s, given Sharif ’s political control of Punjab and eventual prime ministership of the country, Ittefaq Industries grew from its original single foundry into 30 businesses producing steel, sugar, paper, and textiles, with combined revenues of $400 million, making it one of the biggest private conglomerates in the nation. As in many other countries, when you control the political realm, you can get anything you want in the economic realm.
With Lahore, the capital of Punjab, serving as the seat of the family’s power, one of the first things Sharif did upon becoming prime minister in 1990 was build his long-dreamed-of superhighway from there to the capital,Islamabad. Estimated to cost 8.5 billion rupees, the project went through two biddings. Daewoo of Korea, strengthening its proposals with midnight meetings, was the highest bidder both times, so obviously it won the contract and delivered the job at well over 20 billion rupees.
A new highway needs new cars. Sharif authorized importation of 50,000 vehicles duty free, reportedly costing the government $700 million in lost customs duties. Banks were forced to make loans for vehicle purchases to would-be taxi cab drivers upon receipt of a 10 percent deposit. Borrowers got their “Nawaz Sharif cabs,” and some 60 percent of them promptly defaultedThis left the banks with $500 million or so in unpaid loans. Vehicle dealers reportedly made a killing and expressed their appreciation in expected ways. Under Sharif, unpaid bank loans and massive tax evasion remained the favorite ways to get rich. Upon his loss of power the usurping government published a list of 322 of the largest loan defaulters, representing almost $3 billion out of $4 billion owed to banks. Sharif and his family were tagged for $60 million. The Ittefaq Group went bankrupt in 1993 when Sharif lost his premiership the first time. By then only three units in the group were operational, and loan defaults of the remaining companies totaled some 5.7 billion rupees, more than $100 million.
Like Bhutto, offshore companies have been linked to Sharif, three in the British Virgin Islands by the names of Nescoll, Nielson, and Shamrock and another in the Channel Islands known as Chandron Jersey Pvt. Ltd. Some of these entities allegedly were used to facilitate purchase of four rather grand flats on Park Lane in London, at various times occupied by Sharif family members. Reportedly, payment transfers were made to Banque Paribas en Suisse, which then instructed Sharif ’s offshore companies Nescoll and Nielson to purchase the four luxury suites.
In her second term, Benazir Bhutto had Pakistan’s Federal Investigating Agency begin a probe into the financial affairs of Nawaz Sharif and his family. The probe was headed by Rehman Malik, deputy director general of the agency. Malik had fortified his reputation earlier by aiding in the arrest of Ramzi Yousef, mastermind of the 1993 World Trade Center bombing. During Sharif ’s second term, the draft report of the investigation was suppressed, Malik was jailed for a year, and later reportedly survived an assassination attempt, after which he fled to London. The Malik report, five years in the making, was released in 1998, with explosive revelations:
The records, including government documents, signed affidavits from Pakistani officials, bank files and property records, detail deals that Mr. Malik says benefited Mr. Sharif, his family and his political associates:
  • At least $160 million pocketed from a contract to build a highway from Lahore, his home town, to Islamabad, the nation’s capital.
  • At least $140 million in unsecured loans from Pakistan’s state banks.
  • More than $60 million generated from government rebates on sugar exported by mills controlled by Mr. Sharif and his business associates.
  • At least $58 million skimmed from inflated prices paid for imported wheat from the United States and Canada. In the wheat deal, Mr. Sharif ’s government paid prices far above market value to a private company owned by a close associate of his in Washington, the records show. Falsely inflated invoices for the wheat generated tens of millions of dollars in cash.
The report went on to state that “The extent and magnitude of this corruption is so staggering that it has put the very integrity of the country at stake.” In an interview, Malik added: “No other leader of Pakistan has taken that much money from the banks. There is no rule of law in Pakistan. It doesn’t exist.”
What brought Sharif down in his second term was his attempt to acquire virtually dictatorial powers. In 1997 he rammed a bill through his compliant parliament requiring legislators to vote as their party leaders directed. In 1998 he introduced a bill to impose Sharia law (Muslim religious law) across Pakistan, with himself empowered to issue unilateral directives in the name of Islam. In 1999 he sought to sideline the army by replacing Chief of Staff Pervez Musharraf with a more pliable crony. He forgot the lessons he had learned in the 1980s: The army controls Pakistan and politicians are a nuisance. As Musharraf was returning from Sri Lanka, Sharif tried to sack him in midair and deny the Pakistan International Airways flight with 200 civilians on board landing rights in Karachi. Musharraf radioed from the aircraft through Dubai to his commander in Karachi, ordering him to seize the airport control tower, accomplished as the plane descended almost out of fuel. Musharraf turned the tables and completed his coup, and Sharif was jailed.

But Sharif had little to fear. This, after all, is Pakistan. Musharraf needed to consolidate his power with the generals, and Sharif knew details about the corruption of most of the brass. Obviously, it is better to tread lightly around the edges of your peer group’s own thievery. So Musharraf had Sharif probed, tried, convicted, and sentenced to life in prison, but then in 2000 exiled him to Saudi Arabia. Twenty-two containers of carpets and furniture followed, and, of course, his foreign accounts remained mostly intact. Ensconced in a glittering palace in Jeddah, he is described as looking “corpulent” amidst “opulent” surroundings. Reportedly, he and Benazir Bhutto even have an occasional telephone conversation, perhaps together lamenting how unfair life has become.

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NAWAZ SHARIF & ASIF ZARDARI’S CORRUPTION,MONEY LAUNDERING & FRAUDLY ELECTED PARLIAMENTARIANS TAKING NATION TO HELL

www.pakway.blogspot.com (27)
Pakistan Think Tank Commentary
Our Beloved 200 Million People Suffer Disaster Upon Disaster:Our Nero Nawaz Sharif & His Second Fiddle Asif Zadari Fleece The Wealth of Pakistan. Nearly $200 Bn Stolen Pakistan’s Wealth lies in Swiss Banks/.Pakistanis Die,while Nawaz sharif & Asif Zardari and their wicked Children enjoy luxurious life.
Our Young & Old Are Hungry & Thirsty;
Lets Make
Imran Khan & Dr.Tahir-ul-Qadri 
Pakistan Tehreek-i-Insaf & Pakistan Awami Tehreek
Boot The Showdaz or Scoundrels Out of The Rigged Elections Wicked Parliament
who have Robbed Quaid’s Pakistan for Almost 70 years.Worked on Western & India’s Agendas to Weaken Strategically Pakistan’s Armed Forces
Enough Already.
WE WILL NOT TAKE IT ANY MORE.
Abdul Quayyum Khan Kundi’s
Commentary 
My response to the joint session of the parliament:
Parliament has all the right to talk about the agenda of the protestors sitting outside. But what about the aggravating situation of poverty and decline in other human development index. What is parliament doing about rights of non-Muslims that are violated every day; about rising inflation which has made life miserable for over 60% of the population; about emancipation of women; about wide difference in quality of life between provinces and urban/rural; and about parochial approach of police to deal with law and order. What agenda has been set by the parliament to make Pakistan a social welfare state that was the vision of Quaid and Allama?

They should not forget that parliament is not an assembly of the elite but of people’s representative. They can protect their rights but they must not forget that the masses are watching them closely about rights of the majority and will hold them accountable. If these elites sitting in the parliament did not serve the people then they will rise up against them to snatch it from them by force.

Abdul Quayyum Khan Kundi
facebook.com/Abdul.Quayyum.Kundi
twitter.com/aqkkundi

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Why Did Gen Raheel Sharif Say What He Did?

Why Did Gen Raheel Sharif Say What He Did?
Gen Raheel Sharif
A few days ago when Gen Raheel Sharif urged Nawaz Sharif to do his utmost to resolve  his differences with the marchers politically, as soon as possible,and to do so without resort to violence, what was his motivation in doing so?
And why did this result in whispers of suppressed rage among Nawaz Sharif”s most vocal ministers, and why did they feel the need to hint that  their democratic halos had been punctured by the the General’s suggestions?
The motivation of the one and the reaction of the other are not too difficult to guess.
 
Gen Raheel seemed to have a number of things on his mind for rendering the advice which he did. The most obvious of his reasons must be that his army is currently engaged in operations at one side, while signs were that the LOC and the eastern border was likely to erupt into action as well. In such a situation, no general would like to see a third front opened, pitching the army against its own people in the capital.
 
But there was more to it than this. The government had invoked Sec 245 and asked the army to stand guard at certain buildings in the capital. The General, any general for that matter, would not countenance the possibility of his troops being sucked into a fray with civilians with a chance that violence may have to be resorted to.
 
But Gen Raheel would also be more than conscious of a feeling of great resentment which his junior officers and troops harbour against this government–a feeling seldom spoken about  but generally very well known in the army. This feeling just did not materialize out of thin air, but was the result of the studied stupidity of this government which seems to have become a part of its DNA.– a run-wild hubris  which is difficult to escape.
 
This resentment started with TV channels’ unending castigation of Musharraf, which soon started being conflated with the army as a whole. These daily rounds of gratuitous pummeling by various government ministers on nearly all TV channels could not have been expected to endear this government to the junior ranks.  When Gen Raheel was confronted by such misgivings among junior officers while addressing the SSG, he sought to reassure them, as any general worth his salt would be expected to. The next day when the ISPR issued a gist of the General’s talk to the troops, the vanguard of the Nawaz Sharif’s party promptly went berserk and openly started to condemn these remarks as a challenge to “democracy.” And with the GEO incident this resentment quickly graduated to loathing.
 
With such feelings entertained by the troops it was doubly essential to emphasize a non-violent approach by the government towards the protesters. Had the troops been ordered to assert crowd control on the protesters, a refusal by the troops to do so  would have been a recipe for disaster. That the feeling of resentment was mutual was put beyond doubt a few days later when PML MNAs, passing troops on duty at the parliament house,could not resist passing snide remarks against them. This was MNAs against troops–an adequate  commentary on the dignity of the legislators.
Thus it is not difficult to determine why Gen Raheel had given the suggestions to the government which he did. But why should members of the government have been so enraged by this? Why did they have to feel that this was an assault on their democratic privilege, which they are so sensitive about at chosen moments of exhibition, as if their modesty were under threat of violation?
 
This was a plain case of hubris. It was a rehash of their times in office earlier, when the same overweening pride led them to needlessly butt heads with their army. Only this time it was pride mixed with defensiveness, a guilt reflex, because they knew that it was they who had used sneer and insult to push and prod the army into raising its hackles, and done so quite needlessly. They also knew that the army had challenged their authority to launch the operation in N. Waziristan, despite their wishes to the contrary. Their pride would not allow them to admit that this was in pursuance of national interest, the importance and significance of which had continued to evade them despite the continual mayhem being wreaked on the country by the militants. This was without doubt cause for additional grievance of a government which felt itself belittled.
 
To top it all,  rumours were recently let afloat that the government will drive a resolution through the joint houses of parliament to demand the resignations of D.G ISI and the Army Chief. These rumours could not have come from nowhere. Nawaz Sharif has gone that route once, and no matter how Achackzai, Mulla Fazal, and some others may lean upon his vanity and drive him, it would be better for him, to leave the repeat of this manoeuvre to the next generation. At the very least he should remind himself that the army and its Chief enjoy an approval rating of 87 %, and that is a trifle more than the membership of the two houses of parliament and even throw the White House’s statements in the balance. Pride is best swallowed before it crosses into the realm of stubbornness because then it changes its nomenclature. 

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Nawaz Sharif & Son Hussain Nawaz Are billionaires

Nawaz Sharif Son is a Billionaire by UNewsTv

Pak PM Nawaz Sharif is a billionaire

According to the declaration filed by Sharif, he owns six agriculture properties with over 1,700 canals worth Rs1.43 billion and a house in Upper Mall, Lahore valued at Rs 250m.
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ISLAMABAD: Pakistani Prime Minister Nawaz Sharif is among the few parliamentarians who are billionaires, revealed statements of assets and liabilities of lawmakers for the year 2012-13 issued by the Election Commission of Pakistan (ECP). According to the declaration filed by Sharif, he owns six agriculture properties with over 1,700 canals worth Rs1.43 billion and a house in Upper Mall, Lahore valued at Rs 250m. The statement said that he has made investments of over Rs 13 million and has Rs 126 million in seven bank accounts. He has received Rs 197.4m in remittances from his son Hussain Nawaz as well. He owns a Toyota Land Cruiser (2010 model) as well as the 1973 and 1991 models of Mercedes Benz. The premier also owns a 1991 model tractor. His wife Kulsoom Nawaz owns a bungalow worth Rs100m. She owes Rs1.75m to two people. The other billionaires in the National Assembly are petroleum minister Shahid Khaqan Abbasi and three members from Khyber Pakhtunkhwa province – Khial Zaman, Raja Amir Zaman and Sajid Hussain Turi. The former speaker of National Assembly Fehmida Mirza declared property worth Rs 40 million. In the declaration, she priced her apartment at Global Lake View, Dubai, at Rs 1.6 million ($16000) which is being seen as an exceedingly low price. Independent Member of National Assembly Jamshed Dasti was declared the poorest parliamentarian with no assets apart from his salary. He did not fill his asset-declaration form and had informed the ECP of an account in a bank in the parliament house. He did not even show any cash in the account. The net assets of Imran Khan, chairman of Pakistan Tehreek-i-Insaf party, amounted to Rs29.6 million this year. Out of the 14 different properties he owned in Pakistan, he inherited eight while two were gifted. Khan has a Toyota Prado having estimated value of Rs 5 million. He also has Rs 13.6 million in a bank. Maulana Fazalur Rehman, chief of Jamiat Ulema-e-Islam party, declared his assets worth Rs6.5 million. He did not declare possession or ownership of any vehicle despite using SUVs for last many years.

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