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Posted by malika in " RIAZ THE SHAITAN OF PAKISTAN, "Jihadi" Outfits of Terrorism, BOOT THE SCOUNDRELS OR SHOWDAZ, CIA AGENT NAWAZ SHARIF, Corruption, Corruption in Islamic Countries, Destroyers of E.Pakistan, EXPATRIATE PAKISTANIS SPEAK-UP, Girah Cut, Jahiliya "Jihadis"Illiterate Fanatics, LIAR POLITICIANS, Morosi Siyasat & Political Crooks, NAWAZ SHARIF, Nawaz Sharif & Kashmiri Biradari, Nawaz Sharif US Agent, Nawaz Sharif Womanizer, Pakistan Fights Terrorism, Pakistan's Ruling Elite Feudals Industrialists, Punjab Held Hostage Sharif Bros on April 5th, 2013
The two brothers were found accused of loan default in the Hudaibiya Paper Mills scandal by the NAB during the scrutiny of their nomination papers. PHOTO: TMN/FILE
The National Accountability Bureau (NAB) has passed on information to election authorities about three graft references against Pakistan Muslim League-Nawaz’s leadership, an official said. The references are pending in the Accountability Court, Rawalpindi.
The move drew an angry response from the party, whose spokesman counselled the corruption watchdog not to do “politics”. The party intends to give a detailed response at a press conference on Friday.
NAB’s reply to the Election Commission of Pakistan (ECP) is part of the scrutiny process of candidates and it has not spared PML-N chief Nawaz Sharif and ex-provincial chief minister Shahbaz Sharif.
The two brothers were found accused of loan default in the Hudaibiya Paper Mills scandal by the NAB during the scrutiny of their nomination papers, sources told The Express Tribune.
The record was sent to the returning officers (ROs) through the ECP. The NAB found that the Sharif brothers were accused in the case of loan default of Rs3,486 million rupees in the Hudaibiya Paper Mills case.
NAB records show that the Sharif brothers had filed a petition for quashing the First Information Report (FIR) against them in the Lahore High Court (LHC) and the case was still pending. “In that respect, they [Sharifs] were still accused in the default case,” said an official.
+CROOKS&hl=en&sa=X&biw=1920&bih=827&tbm=isch&tbnid=iLMnblf0BOL9yM:&imgrefurl=http://www.pakistantoday.com.pk/2012/09/21/news/national/pml-n-to-start-campaign-for-timely-elections/&docid=ZKOqJDr8SiC_WM&imgurl=http://cache.pakistantoday.com.pk/2012/09/PML-Ns-election-campaign-480x238.jpg&w=480&h=238&ei=fxVeUdrNOuj-igKoj4DABg&zoom=1&ved=1t:3588,r:20,s:0,i:153&iact=rc&dur=443&page=1&tbnh=158&tbnw=319&start=0&ndsp=26&tx=82&ty=43)
“The competent authority to decide the candidature of the Sharif brothers were the respective returning officers and not the NAB,” said a NAB spokesperson while reacting to television reports that the NAB had objected to the candidacy of the two PML-N leaders.
The NAB spokesperson said that the bureau has neither raised objections on any candidate during the scrutiny of the nomination papers nor has it returned the name of any candidate with objection to election commission.
NAB has received more than 18,000 nomination forms and it has only provided the information that was to be provided to the special cell of the poll body.
But the PML-N directed its wrath at the anti-corruption authority. A party spokesman said NAB’s objections against Nawaz Sharif and Shahbaz Sharif were based on mala fide intentions.
“NAB should not do politics but rather it should refrain from becoming a party in this regard”. The NAB’s report against the Sharif brothers is part of a well-calculated conspiracy.
He said the PML-N will disclose facts at a news press conference on Friday (today).
In a separate statement, PML-N’s spokesperson Senator Pervez Rasheed said there is no discrepancy in the assets declared on the nomination papers of the PML-N president.
Published in The Express Tribune, April 5th, 2013.
Posted by admin in Corruption, LIAR POLITICIANS, Looters and Scam Artists, Morosi Siyasat & Political Crooks, NAWAZ SHARIF, Nawaz Sharif & Kashmiri Biradari, Nawaz Sharif US Agent, Nawaz Sharif Womanizer, Pakistan Army, Pakistan Mujahid & Janbaz Force, Pakistan's Hall of Shame, Punjab Held Hostage Sharif Bros on March 31st, 2013
He defended his action to launch the operation in Kargil in the wake of fresh allegations that he masterminded the intrusions.
Referring to Lt Gen (retired) Shahid Aziz’s allegations that he had kept other military commanders in the dark about the operation, Musharraf said, “Telling everyone about it was not necessary at all”.
He claimed Aziz had an “imbalanced personality” and had resorted to character assassination by making these accusations.
“We lost the Kargil war, which was a big success militarily, because of (then premier) Nawaz Sharif…If he had not visited the US, we would have conquered 300 square miles of India,” Musharraf said in an interview with Express News channel.
Though Pakistan had initially claimed mujahideen were responsible for occupying strategic heights along the Line of Control in early 1999, Musharraf later revealed in his autobiography ‘In The Line Of Fire’ that regular Army troops had participated in the operation.
But Musharraf claimed the action in Kargil was a “localised” operation and not a major operation.
“Kargil was just one of many sectors under a Major General stationed in Gilgit, (who was) in charge of the area. Exchange of fire was routine there,” he claimed. Musharraf said he would not go so far as to accuse former premier Nawaz Sharif of betrayal but his decision to withdraw from Kargil was a mistake.
“Nawaz lost a political front which we had won militarily,” he claimed.
The former general, who has been living in self-exile outside Pakistan since 2009, said the “prime consideration” for actions like the Kargil operation is security and secrecy.
“So the Army leadership decides who is to be informed and when. As the operation progressed and the proper time arrived, a briefing of the corps commanders was held,” he said.
Musharraf said he was “really astonished” that Aziz was writing about the events 10 years later.
Blaming the nation at this juncture, as Aziz had done, seems to be “part of a conspiracy”, he claimed.
“It was a tactical action that had a strategic importance in which no more than a few hundred persons were involved, but which engaged thousands on the Indian side and was of tremendous importance,” he claimed.
Musharraf justified Pakistani casualties in the conflict, claiming the country lost only 270 men against India’s 1,600 soldiers.
India eventually decided, after examining the pros and cons of widening the conflict across the Line of Control (LoC) or even across the international border, on a strategy of containment within the narrower objective of regaining the Kargil heights. This narrower framework meant higher casualties on the Indian side because of the difficulty of traversing slopes against dug-in defenders where the terrain offers no cover.
New Delhi calculated that it does have the political will and military morale, despite the heavy casualties, and can sustain the cost in human and material terms. A near-consensus domestically and the willingness of the Indian military command to accept constraints allowed India to continue with an operation in which it suffered disproportionately heavy casualties.
With regard to Pakistan, the intriguing question is whether the Kargil heights seizure was part of the normal stepping up of guerrilla activity during summer, or whether it had more ambitious objectives. If it were the former, little can be added, except to mention in passing a failure of Indian intelligence. The guerrillas’ presence was only discovered by accident when two Indian army patrols happened to spot them. The true extent of the guerrilla presence did not sink in until the Indian army had carried out an aerial survey of the area, which revealed that between 400 to 700 guerrillas had seized the heights. This could have put them in a position in any future war to threaten the sole overland logistics link with the Indian forces deployed in Siachen, i.e. the Srinagar-Drass-Kargil-Leh road.
But the Kargil seizure could have other strategic objectives with military, political and diplomatic dimensions. Militarily, if the seizure could be maintained for a reasonable period of time and at least until winter sets in, it could open up possibilities of forcing either an Indian withdrawal from Siachen, or a trade-off between the Kargil heights and the Siachen Glacier.
Politically, it could reflect the impatience in Islamabad with lack of progress in bilateral discussions on Kashmir under the Lahore Declaration process after the fall of the BJP government in end-April. Despite the fact that Prime Minister Atal Behari Vajpayee of India heads a caretaker government until elections are held in September-October, the hope may have been to force New Delhi back to the negotiating table in a serious mode. Diplomatically, since the bilateral process had not yielded results, an internationalisa-tion of the Kashmir issue may have been sought to bring it back onto the frontburner.
If we assume for the sake of argument that all or some of these objectives formed part of the Pakistani thrust into Kargil, or at least were taken on board once things hotted up on the Line of Control, we can examine the results achieved or likely to be achieved in the foreseeable future and then draw up a balance sheet of gains and losses.
Missing Kashmir for Kargil
Militarily, the inherent difficulty of holding on to the Kargil heights in the face of overwhelming firepower and numbers has become a key question as the battle drags on. India has weighed the costs of heavy casualties against the bigger costs of potentially adverse international intervention if the conflict is widened. It has relied on the political consensus to hold on to Kashmir no matter what the cost, which informs its domestic political spectrum (the weak and scattered chinks of rationality represented by liberal opinion notwithstanding). India’s slow but definite gains against the guerrillas have produced collateral pressures for a withdrawal of the guerrillas from what is turning into a suicidal mission.
The political timing of the Kargil seizure, if the idea was indeed to force New Delhi back to serious negotiations, could not have been worse. A caretaker government heading into an election was hardly likely to be in a position to negotiate, let alone offer any flexibility or concession on such a major issue. There has been speculation in the Indian press after the visit to Pakistan by the US emissary General Anthony Zinni regarding proposals purportedly from Islamabad for India to allow safe passage to the guerrillas, quoting the precedent of the Hazrat Bal shrine siege. Whether these reports hold any water or not is not known.
However, Western diplomatic pressure on Islamabad is mounting, especially after Prime Minister Nawaz Sharif’s visit to Washington DC and London, and these could take various forms, economic, political, diplomatic. The dependence of the Pakistani economy on the goodwill of the West, and particularly the US, to keep foreign fund flows going makes Pakistan that much more vulnerable to ‘persuasion’.
It goes without saying that such ‘persuasion’ seeks to maintain the status quo on Kashmir, while advocating peaceful negotiations. Pakistan’s experience indicates that retaining the status quo has always proved favourable to India. Any disturbance of New Delhi’s hold on Kashmir, even if partial or temporary, serves to refocus the attention of the global community on a long-neglected, festering wound. But in trying to disturb the status quo in its favour, the manner in which Pakistan pursues this tactical goal is crucial. This cannot happen by ignoring the ground reality.
The Pakistani army chief, General Pervez Musharraf, put his finger on the problem by describing Kargil as “a tactical, military issue”, while Kashmir as such was “a strategic, political” one. In other words, to see only the Kargil part of the picture represented by the Kashmir problem, is to miss the forest for the trees. However, in the present instance, Islamabad appears to have failed to persuade the global powers-that-be of the justness of this linkage. On the contrary, opinion seems to have hardened in the West that the status quo must be restored before diplomatic “business as usual” can be resumed.
Most thinking people in Pakistan are by now convinced that there is no (regular) military option to obtain a solution to Kashmir, particularly after both India and Pakistan have demonstrated their nuclear capability. The irregular military option (guerrilla war) faces considerable political and ideological disabilities, especially since the Kashmir guerrilla movement has acquired a fundamentalist hue over time. This does not appear to be sufficiently inspiring for large numbers of the Kashmiri people who are well known for their traditional religious tolerance. This despite continuing repression by the Indian military in Kashmir.
Prime Minister Nawaz Sharif has been castigated by the right-wing, religious, fundamentalist opinion for stating an obvious truth that without both India and Pakistan going beyond their “stated positions”, no solution to the Kashmir problem is possible. The hue and cry against him for saying that, particularly in the Urdu press, reflects the limitations which restrict the country’s political leadership. No flexibility, political or diplomatic, is allowed to any Pakistani leader to even explore some middle ground. Any such suggestion is treated as treason, betrayal, the worst kind of skullduggery. For such ideologically ‘pure’ elements, it is either all or nothing as far as Kashmir is concerned.
Before it is too late, sober heads must begin to ponder how much cloth we have remaining and how to cut it. Passion cannot replace cool calculation required for a strategic plan for peace. The Pakistani leadership must take into account a heavily dependent economic structure, an inability to rouse the world’s conscience beyond rhetoric, and the lack of a solid consensus across the
Posted by admin in " RIAZ THE SHAITAN OF PAKISTAN, Asif Zardari Crook Par Excellance, Bhutto-Zardari Feudal Family Corruption, BOOT THE SCOUNDRELS OR SHOWDAZ, Destroyers of E.Pakistan, EXPATRIATE PAKISTANIS SPEAK-UP, Girah Cut, LIAR POLITICIANS, Morosi Siyasat & Political Crooks, PAKISTAN'S CORRUPT MEDIA, PAKISTAN'S CORRUPT POLITICAL PARTIES:PPP, Pakistan's Ruling Elite Feudals Industrialists, PPP Choor on March 31st, 2013
JUNE 10, 2012
in Featured Articles
The Family Gate scandal seems like a flood gate of scandals, where top power brokers including army, bureaucrats, politicians and media are believed to be heavily involved.One of the influential players from media community, Najam Sethi is believed to be the part of this flood gate. As Dawn TV anchor Talat Hussain recently alleged in this talk show that Najam Sethi’s ‘ChiRya’ (inside information source) is actually Malik Riaz.
Later Najam Sethi in his talk show criticized Talat and that was replied by Talat in his talk show by declaring all his assets and chanllenging Sethi to do that. Now as per some documents, Sethi owns properties in US that are likely to be declared or exposed.Some people, through social media , even has alleaged that Sethi recieved all these properties as benfits from his ‘Chirya’ aka Malik Riaz.
There are also reports that Najam Sethi , as a close aide of Malik Riaz had witnessed all evidence related to scandal against Arsalan Iftikhar and that he is the one who helped Malik Riaz to cut a deal wtth some journalist in Western Media to publish all the evidence and other parts of the story that have not been disclosed in Pakistani media.
Najam Sethi Property – 240 West, 98 Street, Manhattn New York
Najam Sethi Property – 100 Riverside Boulevard, Manhattan New York…………………………………………………… …………. The London Group
Flag of the Baloch Liberation Front (BLF) – a left-wing Baloch militant outfit that was one of the leading Baloch separatist guerrilla groups during the Balochistan insurgency in the 1970s.A rudimentary ‘study circle’ was formed in London (in 1969) by some Marxist Pakistani students studying in colleges and universities there.There were about 25 such students in the group who used to meet to discuss various left-wing movements and literature.They also began publishing a magazine called ‘Pakistan Zindabad’ that (in 1971) had to be smuggled into Pakistan because it was highly critical of the Pakistanimilitary’s role in the former East Pakistan.The magazine helped the group to forge a relationship with some Baloch nationalists who invited the group members to travel to Balochistan and help the nationalists set into motion some education related projects.After the loss of East Pakistan in 1971, the populist PPP had formed a new elected government at the centre, whereas the leftist NAP was heading the provincial government in Balochistan.In 1973, the PPP regime accused NAP of fostering a separatist movement in Balochistan and dismissed it.In reaction, hordes of Baloch tr ibesmen picked up arms and triggered a full-fledged guerrilla war against the Pakistan Army.
NAP workers gather outside the offices of the party in Quetta soon after the NAP regime in Balochistan was dismissed by Prime Minster Bhutto in 1973.About five members of the London Club decided to quit their studies in London, travel back to Pakistan and join the insurgency on the Baloch nationalists’ side.They were all between the ages of 20 and 25, came from well-off families and none of them were Baloch.Four were from the Punjab province and included Najam Sethi, Ahmed Rashid, and brothers Rashid and Asad Rehman. One was from a Pakistani Hindu family:Dalip Dass.All wanted to use the Balochistan situation to ‘trigger a communist revolution in Pakistan.’Dass was the son of a senior officer in the Pakistan Air Force. After his schooling in Pakistan, he had joined the Oxford University in the late 1960s where he became a committed Marxist.
Dalip Daas (right) chatting with a friend at a Pakistani college. He soon travelled to London to join Oxford University before secretly returning to Pakistan to join the Baloch guerrilla fighters in the mountains of Balochistan.Asad and Rashid Rehman were sons of Justice SA Rehman who had been a close colleague of the founder of Pakistan, Muhammad Ali Jinnah.Najam Sethi came from a well-to-do middle-class family in Lahore and so did Ahmad Rashid whose family hailed from Rawalpindi.All five members had travelled to England to study in prestigious British universities.Initially, they were energised by the left-wing student movements that erupted across the world (including Pakistan) in the late 1960s.When they reached their respective universities in London, they got involved in the student movements there but kept an eye on the developments in Pakistan where a student movement had managed to force out the country’s first military dictator, Ayub Khan (in 1969).The study group honed its knowledge of Marxism, but also began studying revolutionary guerrilla manuals authored by such communist revolutionaries as Che Guevara, Carlos Marighella and Frantz Fanon.When a civil war between the Pakistan Army and Bengali nationalists began in 1971 in former East Pakistan, the group, that originally consisted of about 25 Pakistanistudents studying in England, began to publish a magazine called ‘Pakistan Zindabad’ that severely criticised the role of the Pakistani establishment in East Pakistan.The magazine was smuggled into Pakistan and then distributed in the country by Pakistani left-wing student groups such as the National Students Federation (NSF) that had also led the movement against the Ayub regime.One of the issues of the magazine fell into the hands of some veteran left-wing Baloch nationalist leaders in Balochistan.One of them was Sher Muhammad Marri who at once sent Muhammad Babha to London to make contact with the publishers of the magazine.
Sher Muhammad Marri (third from left) with Baloch fighters in 1968.Muhammad Babha whose family was settled in Karachi, met the members of the study circle in London and communicated Marri’s invitation to them to visit Balochistan.Seven members of the circle agreed to travel to Balochistan. However, two backed out, leaving just five.All five decided to travel back to Pakistan without telling their families who still thought they were studying in England.The years 1971 and 1972 were spent learning the Baloch language and customs, and handling and usage of weapons – especially by Asad Rehman, Ahmad Rashid and Dalip Dass who would eventually join the Baloch resistance fighters in the mountains once the insurgency began in 1973.Najam Sethi and Rashid Rehman stationed themselves in Karachi to secretly raise funds for the armed movement.Each one of them believed that the government’s move against the NAP regime was akin to the establishment’s attitude towards the Bengalis of the former EastPakistan (that broke away in 1971 to become the independent Bengali state of Bangladesh).The young men’s parents all thought their sons were in London, studying. It was only in 1974 when the government revealed their names that the parents came to know.The three men in the mountains took active part in the conflict, facing an army that used heavy weaponry and helicopters that were supplied by the Shah of Iran and piloted by Iranian pilots.All three had also changed their look to suit the attire and appearance of their Baloch comrades.
Asad Rehman tracking the mountains of Balochistan with his group of Baloch fighters in 1974.First to fall was the 23-year-old Dalip Daas. In 1974, while being driven in a jeep with a Baloch comrade and a sympathetic Kurd driver into the neighbouring Sindh province for a meeting with a Sindhi nationalist, the jeep was stopped at a military check-post on the Balochistan-Sindh border.Daas=0 and his Baloch comrade were asked to stay while the driver was allowed to go. Many believe the driver was an informant of the military.Daas was taken in by the military and shifted to interrogation cells in Quetta and then the interior Sindh. There he was tortured and must have died because he was never seen again. He vanished.For years friends and family of Daas have tried to find his body, but to no avail. He remains ‘missing.’
A tra nsformed Dalip Daas just before his arrest, torture and death.After Daas’ disappearance, Rashid Rehman who was operating with Najam Sethi in Karachi went deeper underground.In 1976, the 28-year-old Sethi’s cover was blown and he was picked up by the military and thrown into solitary confinement.More than 5,000 Baloch men and women lost their lives in the war that ended when the PPP regime was toppled in a reactionary military coup in 1977.Asad and Rashid Rehman remained underground till 1978 before departing for Kabul and then to London.Ahmed Rashid also escaped to London.Asad returned to Pakistan in 1980 before going back, this time to escape the right-wing dictatorship of Ziaul Haq.He again returned to the country and became a passionate human rights activist and continued speaking for the rights of the Baloch till his death in 2013.
Asad Rehman in 2012. He passed away in 2013.After his release in 1978, Najam Sethi became a successful publisher and progressive journalist. Today he is also known as a celebrated political analyst and a popular TV personality.
Najam Sethi in 2012. Today he is one of the leading liberal voices and political analysts on mainstream TV in Pakistan.Ahmad Rashid travelled to England, became a journalist and then a highly respected and best-selling political author and expert on the politics of Afghanistan andPakistan.
Ahmad Rashid in 2009.Rashid Rehman returned to Pakistan from London and became a leading journalist and editor.
Rashid Rehman (second from left) in conversation with British author William Dalrymple (right) in 2012.The conflict in Balochistan continues.
Nadeem F. Paracha is a cultural critic and senior columnist for Dawn Newspaper and Dawn.com
Then read this:Media gate –1 9 anchors & journalists funded by Malik Riaz EXPOSEDThe following is the list of Anchors & Journalists who were paid by
Malik Riaz. This list was leaked by one of the former employee of
Bahria Town, who has worked in the I.T Department and this person also
had access to all the computers connected to Bahria Town’s network
including Malik Riaz and Ali Riaz’s personal computers. This document
, along with other 100s of other proofs were obtained from hacked
computers. The documents obtained contain transactions of all the bank
accounts, bank statements, emails sent/received and information on
deals/projects.
In order to find out if the information stated in the document is
authentic, anyone can contact the banks listed in the document,
provide them with the account number and get details on the
transitions listed.
The reason behind releasing this document is to show people of
Pakistan the real faces of the media personals and TV Channels. We
watch their shows, read their columns and believe their opinions and
reporting. But matter of the fact is that, most of the reporting is
paid and biased. We as a nation need to realize that our country is
struggling to survive and we need to kick out the enemies of state out
of our country to save our beloved country.
1) Mubashir Luqman
– Received 2 Crore and 85 Lakh rupees in 3 installments through National Bank
– Mercedes-Benz
2) Dr.Shahid Masood
– Received 1 Crore and 7 Lakh rupees in 1 Instalments through National Bank
– 7 Fully Paid trips to Dubai, Including Hotel stays and car Rentals
3) Najam Sethi
– Received 1 Crore and 94 Lakh rupees
– 1 Kanal Plot in Bahria Town Lahore
– 3 Fully Paid Trips to USA including hotel stays
Money Transferred From:
Muslim Commercial Bank
Main Boulevard DHA ,Lahore, Pakistan
Account Title: Bahria Town (Pvt) Limited
Account # : 14-7
Swift Code: MUCBPKKAA
4) Kamran Khan
– Received 62 Lakh Rupees, was promised 2 Crore + a house in Bahria
Town, but didn’t receive it until May 2012
Money Transferred From:
NIBC Bank Limited (Bahria Town Branch) Account# 8283982
5) Hassan Nisar
– Received 1 Crore and 10 Lakh Rupees
– 10 Marla Plot in Bahria Town
Money Transferred From:
Account Title: Bahria Town Pvt. Limited
Account# 42279-2
With Habib Bank Limited LDA Plaza Branch, Lahore
Code:1315
Swift: HABBPKKAX315
6) Hamid Mi r
– Received 2 Crore and 50 Lakh Rupees
– 5 Kanal Plot in Islamabad
Money Transferred From:
NIBC Bank Limited (Bahria Town Branch) Account# 8284059
7) Mazhar Abbas
– Received 90 Lakh
– 10 Marla Plot in Lahore
Money Transferred From:
MCB Account# 0075232201000124
8) Meher Bukhari
– Received 50 Lacks on Her wedding with Kashif Abbasi
– 1 Kanal Plot in Islamabad
9) Marvi Sirmed
– Received 10 Lakh Rupees
Money Transferred From:
NIBC Bank Limited (Bahria Town Branch) Account# 8284059
10) Arshad Sharif
– Promoted as Bureau Chief of Dunya Tv on the request of Malik Riaz in 2011
– Received 85 Lakh Rupees in 2 Instalments
Money Transferred From:
UBL Account# 37100154
11) Nusrat Javed
– Received 78 Lakh Rupees+ Toyota Corolla
Money Transferred From:
Muslim Commercial Bank
Main Boulevard DHA ,Lahore,Pakistan
Account Title: Bahria Town (Pvt) Limited
Account # : 14-7
Swift Code: MUCBPKKAA
12) Mushtaq Minhas
– Received 55 Lakh Rupees in 2 Instalments
Money Transferred From:
Account Title: Bahria Town Pvt. Limited
Account# 51077-6
With Habib Bank limited LDA Plaza Branch, Lahore
Code:1315
Swift: HABBPKKAX315
13) Javed Chaudhry
– Received 3 Lakh per column written under the name of Malik Riaz
– 10 Marla House in Bah ria Town
– Received 1 Crore for helping to write a book for Malik Riaz
Money Transferred From:
UBL Account# 37100154
14) Sana Bucha
– Received 83 Lakh Rupees
– 10 Marla Plot in Lahore
Money Transferred From:
Muslim Commercial Bank
Main Boulevard DHA ,Lahore,Pakistan
Account Title: Bahria Town (Pvt) Limited
Account # : 14-7
Swift Code: MUCBPKKAA
15) Muneeb Farooq
– Received 25 Lakh Rupees
– Fully paid round trip to Dubai and a week stay in 5 star hotel
Money Transferred From:
Askari Bank Account# 01000101011180
16) Aftab Iqbal
– In 2010, with the help of Malik Riaz, Aftab Iqbal was able to join
Geo Tv and start his new show Khabarnaak.
– Ever since the show started Aftab Iqbal was paid by PML(N) & Malik
Riaz to promote positive image of PML(N)
– From 2010 to 2012, he was paid estimated 2 crore
– Received Toyota Jeep
– Land bought by Malik Riaz in Bedian Road was gifted to Aftab Iqbal
to build his farm house
Money Transferred From:
Meezan Bank (Bahria Town Branch) Account# 3620
17) Sohail Waraich
– Sohail was paid 15 Lakh Rupees to promote positive image of Malik
Riaz in Aik Din Geo Ke Saath
– Gifted Honda Civic to Sohail Waraich in 2008
Money Transferred From:
Account Title: Bahria Town Pvt. Limited
Account# 42 279-2
With Habib Bank Limited LDA Plaza Branch, Lahore
Code:1315
Swift: HABBPKKAX315
18) Asma Sherazi
Received 45 Lakh Rupees 1 instalment
Money Transfer From
Account Title Bahria Town Pvt Limited
Account #51077-5
With Habib Bank Limited LDA Plaza Bahria Town Lahore
Code 1315
Swift:HABBPKKAX315
19) Sami Ibrahim
Received 1 Crore
1 Kanal Plot in Bahria Town
Received Toyota Corolla in 2010
Money Transfer From
KASB Bank (Bahria Town Branch) Account #3710581401By: Farrukh Shabbir, Uploaded: 14th June 2012A record of payments allegedly made to 19 senior-journalists of Pakistan, by the Bahria Town owner Malik Riaz has surfaced on the social networking site Twitter, Aaj News reported.
Renowned names of various news television anchors and journalists like Dr. Shahid Masood, Najam Sethi, Kamran Khan, Nusrat Javed, Meher Bokhari, Mubasher Lucman, Hamid Mir, Javed Chaudhry, Sana Bucha, Sohail Waraich and Asma Shirazi among a few others, are present in the lists below.
An account of favors given to these journalists in shapes of money, cars and property etc is recorded in these trademarked letterheads of Bahria To wn.
By: Farrukh Shabbir, Uploaded: 14th June 2012A record of payments allegedly made to 19 senior-journalists of Pakistan, by the Bahria Town owner Malik Riaz has surfaced on the social networking site Twitter, Aaj News reported.
Renowned names of various news television anchors and journalists like Dr. Shahid Masood, Najam Sethi, Kamran Khan, Nusrat Javed, Meher Bokhari, Mubasher Lucman, Hamid Mir, Javed Chaudhry, Sana Bucha, Sohail Waraich and Asma Shirazi among a few others, are present in the lists below.
An account of favors given to these journalists in shapes of money, cars and property etc is recorded in these trademarked letterheads of Bahria Town.
ALLAH O AKBARPAKISTANZINDABADNajam Sethi is a Gandhi Traitor & Hebought a Flat for 30 Lakh Dollars —- نجم سیٹھی ، گاندھی غدار اور مکی ماؤس امریکی غدار ھے اور اس نے حرام کے پیسے سے تیس لاکھ ڈالر کا فلیٹ خریدا
Posted: March 27, 2013 | Author: ghaddars | Filed under: Boot Lickers of USA & Britain, Domestic Ghaddars of Pakistan, Gandhi Traitors, GHADDARS, Journalistic Traitors, MICKY MO– — USE GHADDARS, Najam Sethi, SLUMDOG INDIA, TRAITORS, Ummat, URDU NEWSPAPERS, مکی ماؤس امریکہ اور کاکروچ برطانیہ کے پالتو کتے, مکی ماؤس غدار, نجم سیٹھی ، گاندھی غدار اور مکی ماؤس امریکی غدار ھے, گاندھی غدار, ھمیں غداروں سے نفرت ھے, پاکستان کے غدار صحافی, امت, اردو اخبار, بد قسمت پاکستان گاندھی غداروں سے بھرا پڑا ھے, غداروں اور وطن فروشوں پہ لعنت | Tags: Gandhi Traitors, GHADDARS, Micky Mouse Ghaddar,Micky Mouse Traitor, Najam Sethi, SLUMDOG INDIA, TRAITORS, نجم سیٹھی ، گاندھی غدار اور مکی ماؤس امریکی غدار ھے |Leave a comment »
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S.A.Kazmi—
Posted by admin in Asif Zardari Crook Par Excellance, Bhutto-Zardari Feudal Family Corruption, BOOT THE SCOUNDRELS OR SHOWDAZ, CIA AGENT NAWAZ SHARIF, Girah Cut, LIAR POLITICIANS, Looters and Scam Artists, Morosi Siyasat & Political Crooks, Nawaz Sharif & Kashmiri Biradari, Nawaz Sharif US Agent, Nawaz Sharif Womanizer, Pakistan's Ruling Elite Feudals Industrialists, PML (N) CORRUPTION, PML(N), PML(Q), Politics, PPP, PPP 's Raja Rental Pervez Corruption, PPP Choor on March 28th, 2013
Posted by admin in " RIAZ THE SHAITAN OF PAKISTAN, BOOT THE SCOUNDRELS OR SHOWDAZ, CIA AGENT NAWAZ SHARIF, Corruption, Corruption in Islamic Countries, Destroyers of E.Pakistan, EXPATRIATE PAKISTANIS SPEAK-UP, Girah Cut, INVESTIGATIVE REPORT, LIAR POLITICIANS, Morosi Siyasat & Political Crooks, NAWAZ SHARIF, Nawaz Sharif US Agent, Nawaz Sharif Womanizer, PAKISTAN'S CORRUPT POLITICAL PARTIES:PPP, Pakistan's Ruling Elite Feudals Industrialists, PML (N) CORRUPTION, PPP 's Raja Rental Pervez Corruption, PPP Choor, THE BATTLE FOR PAKISTAN SERIES, ZARDAR'S CORRUPTION on March 24th, 2013
Pakistani Drug Lord Iqbal Baig has set-up shop in Lahore, specifically in the vicinity of Hall and Mall Road, in an area formerly called Lakshmi Mansion. He acquired these properties to build a Shopping Mall under blessing of Shahbaz Sharif, Nawaz Sharif, and Asif Zardari. Iqbal Baig is money laundering, by converting drug money into legitimate cash by buying properties in Lahore. He bought almost whole of Lakshmi Mansion and Hall Road properties. He is a known accomplice of Taliban and is clear and present danger to the global community including the US and Europe. He is the financier of Taliban and funnels money to every terrorist organization through money laundering in legitimate business enterprises. During the PPP government, he stayed under the radar and kept building assets to finance his patrons the Taliban. Pakistan’s ISI and US CIA should look into the activities of this dangerous criminal on par with Pablo Escobar. In 1995, Iqbal Baig, Pakistan’s most notorious drug lords was extradited to the United States, where he was charged with 100 counts of heroin and hashish smuggling. Iqbal Baig and Anwar Khattak were put on a U.S. government plane in 1995 night only hours after his appeals against extradition was turned down by the High Court in Rawalpindi.Baig and Khattak together ran one of Pakistan’s biggest heroin- and hashish-trafficking networks, according to U.S. and Pakistani officials. Both were imprisoned in Pakistan, where they had been convicted of drug smuggling.Baig and Khattak will face 102 counts of smuggling heroin and hashish into the United States. The trials are likely to take place either in Michigan or New York City, where the offenses allegedly occurred, a U.S. official said. Pakistan has been cooperating with the United States since 1993, when the Americans gave Pakistan a list of 17 suspected drug barons it wanted extradited. Seven were extradited in 1993; most others are in custody in Pakistan.
In lucid moments, Mohammed Ilyas has happy memories of life as a fisherman on one of Karachi’s deep-sea shark boats. But that was 10 years ago, before Mr. Ilyas began smoking the low-grade heroin he knows as “brown sugar,” and before home became a threadbare blanket tacked to a grimy Karachi wall as a windbreak.
Now, Mr. Ilyas’s addiction brings him to the same lonely spot each night, with a sliver of silver paper to hold the heroin bought with a day’s panhandling in the docks, and a lighted taper to heat the powder into the vapors he inhales. On either side, fellow addicts crouch in their own pitiful isolation, ignored by the police and passers-by.
“What can I do, sir?” Mr. Ilyas asked on a recent evening, between pulls on the tube of rolled paper he uses as a pipe. “I would like to do something. I would like to be back with my family. But the brown sugar tastes too good.”
The tragedy for Pakistan set in much deeper 15 years ago, when Afghan warlords, thrown into turmoil by the Soviet military intervention in their country, stepped up the growing of opium poppies as other forms of commerce collapsed. The product, as opium gum, traveled down old trade routes into the deserts and mountains along Afghanistan’s border, where Pakistani frontiersmen, who grow tons of opium themselves, took the gum and ran it through refineries, producing the cheap “brown sugar” smoked by Mr. Ilyas, as well as heroin in its purer, more lucrative forms.
Over the years, as ever larger quantities of the narcotic began flowing into Karachi, Lahore, Peshawar and other cities, the drug ate its way into the fiber of Pakistan. Political life was corrupted, to the point that one of the country’s most notorious drug barons, Ayub Afridi, sat as an elected member of Parliament from 1988 to 1990, dropping out only when an ordinance was passed barring any known drug trafficker from running in an election.
Drug barons have continued to exercise a pervasive political influence, discouraging decisive government action against them.
What’s more, the backwash from the Afghan conflict has brought a flow of weapons into Pakistan, creating a nexus between the drug barons and new generation of heavily armed gangs. In Karachi mainly, but also in other cities, these gangs have established a terror that is overwhelming the local authorities.
Along with Afghanistan, and to a much smaller extent India, Pakistan has become one of the world’s leading producers of heroin — and by some estimates, a larger producer now than the Golden Triangle countries of Southeast Asia.
With growing anxiety, Western nations, including the United States, have been looking at Pakistan in the way they have long looked at countries like Colombia and Thailand — as a place where narcotics trafficking, left to run rampant, has become a danger not only to the country itself but also to much of the world.
Pakistani leaders have made no secret of their belief that drug money was in some way linked to the March 8 attack that killed two Americans working at the United States Consulate in Karachi, and to the terrorist underground that supported Ramzi Ahmed Yousef, a 27-year-old fugitive and suspected mastermind of the World Trade Center bombing in New York in 1993. Mr. Yousef was arrested in Islamabad, the Pakistani capital, in February.
These links are likely to be discussed when Pakistan’s Prime Minister, Benazir Bhutto, arrives in the United States on April 5. For five years, the main stumbling block to improved ties has been Pakistan’s persistence with a covert program to develop nuclear weapons. But on this visit, Pakistan’s Prime Minister may find American leaders at least as concerned about Pakistan’s role as a center for drugs and terrorism.
When she recently met with American reporters in Islamabad, Ms. Bhutto offered a stark picture of Pakistan as a society where torrents of drugs and weapons have combined to undermine the basis for a civil society.
“We are a clean Government,” she said. “For the first time in our history, we are going to take action against drug barons, militants and terrorists.”
Western embassies that have pressed for years for a narcotics crackdown were encouraged three months ago when the Government froze $70 million in assets belonging to seven leading Pakistani drug lords, and took steps, for the first time in Pakistan, to curb money laundering by drug bosses. The Government also announced the biggest raid on a narcotics laboratory in North-West Frontier Province, site of many of the heroin refineries, seizing 132 tons of hashish and nearly half a ton of heroin.
Ms. Bhutto also promised to speed up action by Pakistani courts on United States requests for the extradition of six drug lords held in Pakistan, and for the arrest and extradition of two others, including Mr. Afridi, the former legislator.
Maj. Gen. Salahuddin Termizi, the country’s anti-drug chief, has won the confidence of Western narcotics experts. But few with experience in combatting the drug world in Pakistan are ready to congratulate Ms. Bhutto just yet.
[ In a crackdown on the eve of the Bhutto trip, two suspected drug barons, Mirza Iqbal Baig and Anwar Khattak, were flown to the United States on April 3. The extraditions were cited by General Termizi as further proof of Pakistan’s commitment to rolling back booming drug production and trafficking. General Termizi said on April 4 that Pakistan had smashed the bulk of its heroin factories and arrested all but 2 of 12 leading drug barons. ]
Top army officers have been accused in the past of conniving with the drug lords, to the extent of running heroin shipments to Karachi aboard army-owned trucks.
And even if Pakistan were to live up to all of Ms. Bhutto’s promises, it would not tackle what has always been the core of the heroin problem: Afghanistan’s role as a secure hinterland for the traffickers. Years of efforts and millions of dollars have been spent by Western governments in an effort to persuade Afghan warlords to stop growing poppies and plant other crops, but poppy acreage has increased every year.
United States officials who have seen the blaze of white, red and pink poppies that cover much of Afghanistan each spring argue that little will be achieved until Washington shifts its spending priorities. The officials say spending $80 million of the State Department’s anti-narcotics budget on efforts to combat cocaine production in South America, and barely a tenth as much on all of Asia and Africa, means that efforts against heroin have to take a back seat.
Currently, the closest thing to a United States Government anti-narcotics program in Afghanistan is a $100,000 grant to Mercy Corps, an American volunteer agency that is trying to persuade communities in a small part of Helmand Province to substitute other cash crops for poppy-growing. Narcotics experts say that their work is hampered because Washington has no embassy in Kabul, the Afghan capital, and that the Clinton Administration has played virtually no part in efforts to negotiate peace between Afghan factions that have been fighting a civil war since Soviet troops withdrew.
When Mrs. Bhutto meets President Clinton, she seems likely to argue for an American responsibility to help Pakistan and Afghanistan deal with their narcotics problems. The argument is that Washington’s decision to channel billions of dollars in weapons and financial backing to the Afghan rebel groups in the 1980’s, without close scrutiny of the some of the Afghan leaders involved, contributed to a climate in which some of those leaders turned to heroin trafficking.
“We have been getting a bad name, and it is clear that our activity needs to be geared up,” Brig. Gen. Mohammed Aslam, deputy director of the new anti-narcotics force, said at his office in Rawalpindi.
But the general smiled when he was asked what part of the blame he attributed to the United States.
“I will only say this,” he said. “I believe that we in Pakistan are doing what we can to undo our part of the crime.”
NEW DELHI — Two days before Pakistani Prime Minister Benazir Bhutto leaves for a U.S. visit, her government handed over two alleged heroin kingpins to the United States and a court opened the way for more quick extraditions.
Haji Mirza Mohammed Iqbal Baig, once reputedly the head of Pakistan’s largest drug syndicate, and his lieutenant, Mohammed Anwar Khattak, were flown to the United States on Sunday night aboard an American aircraft, said officials at the U.S. Embassy in Islamabad, the capital. The two Pakistanis’ names appear in more than 100 U.S. narcotics cases.
“There is a lot of evidence that these guys are big-time heroin dealers. We’re happy to bring them to justice,” a U.S. drug official in Islamabad said.
In Washington, Justice Department officials said the men were due to arrive Monday night in Hawaii and will be flown to Travis Air Force Base in Northern California’s Solano County before being transferred to New York for arraignment.
Baig and Khattak are wanted on various federal charges, including conspiracy to smuggle heroin into the United States. They had already been convicted by a Pakistani court in the 1985 seizure of more than 17 tons of hashish in the southwestern province of Baluchistan.
The drug dealers’ extradition, which the Clinton Administration had sought since 1993, is the latest of several tough-on-crime measures by Bhutto’s government that–by design or not–have especially pleased the United States.
On Feb. 7, Pakistani and U.S. agents joined forces in Islamabad to arrest Ramzi Ahmed Yousef, the alleged mastermind of the World Trade Center bombing. He was flown to New York to stand trial.
Such actions will undoubtedly be cited by Bhutto, who leaves for the United States today, as proof of her determination to do her part in combatting the global narcotics trade and Islamic terrorism, two major U.S. security concerns.
Next Tuesday, Bhutto is scheduled to meet President Clinton at the White House. She has been seeking more U.S. help–including the lifting of a law that has barred most American aid to Pakistan since October, 1990, because of the Asian country’s nuclear weapons program.
Late last year, U.S. drug czar Lee P. Brown warned Bhutto that Pakistan could lose badly needed World Bank and International Monetary Fund loans unless the country, the world’s No. 3 opium producer, did more to stem narcotics production and trafficking.
*
U.S. drug officials have praised what has happened since. On March 23, more than 2,000 paramilitary troops staged an unprecedented drug raid in the remote, lawless Khyber region bordering Afghanistan. They seized 6.3 tons of highly refined heroin, as much as Pakistan normally confiscates in a year.
Baig and Khattak had been served notice earlier this year that they could be extradited to the United States. Pakistan’s law allows citizens in such a position to file a petition in court opposing extradition.
On Sunday, their petitions were rejected and they were quickly put on a plane for the United States.
Special correspondent Jennifer Griffin in Islamabad contributed to this report.
Drug barons' extradition challenged in SC
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*From Nasir Malik
ISLAMABAD, April 4: The Supreme Court will hear arguments on Wednesday
about the admissibility ) of three petitions filed by the wives of
alleged drug lords Mirza Iqbal Baig and Anwar Khattak against the Lahore
High Court decision that cleared the way for their extradition to the
United States.
The Lahore High Court on Sunday allowed the extradition of seven drug
barons, including Baig and Khattak. The two were immediately flown to
the United States in a US military plane.
Though apparently the petitions will make little difference for Baig
and Khattak who have already been sent abroad, they can affect the
remaining five accused who are in Adiala Jail.
One of the five accused, Nasrullah Hanjera has applied to the Supreme
Court to grant an order blocking his possible extradition.
Khawaja Haris, lawyer for the accused, has maintained in his petitions
that the extraditions are in isolation of Section 5 (2) of Extradition
Act 1972 which bars extradition until an accused has been acquitted or
completed a sentence in his own country.
Interior Minister Naseerullah Babar told reporters on Monday that the
alleged drug barons were handed over to the US authorities after
completing all legal requirements.
But constitutional experts say the government acted in haste by
immediately parcelling the two accused thus denying them of their
constitutional right to appeal before the Supreme Court. They also point
out that the extradition was also contrary to Article 4 of the
Extradition Agreement signed between the two countries.
Article 4 says: The extradition shall not take place if the person aimed
has already been tried, discharged or punished or is still under trial
in the territories of the high contracting party (applied to in this
case Pakistan) for the crime or offence for which his extradition is
demanded. If the person claimed would be under examination or under
punishment his extradition shall be deferred until the conclusion of the
trial or the full execution of any punishment awarded to him."
Haris told reporters that Baig and Khattak were still serving their
five-year jail term awarded to them by a Karachi magistrate. Besides,
two cases were also pending against them.
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