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Archive for category CIA AGENT NAWAZ SHARIF


Opinion: Capital suggestion / Sunday, September 28, 2014



Dr Farrukh Saleem

Purana Pakistan









Purana Pakistan has six characteristics.

One, elected leaders treat state assets as their personal estates.

Two, elected leaders mutate civil servants into their personal serfs.

Three, taxes are collected and then spent to fulfill rulers’ priorities.

Four, monetary rewards of political power are extremely high. 

Five, there is massive under-investment in human capital.

Six, power projects are being inaugurated that would produce power at an astronomical rate of Rs41 per unit.

Here are the proofs of the above six.

One, Rehman Malik had a PIA aircraft wait for him for two long hours.

Two, on June 17, Punjab Police killed 14 unarmed citizens.

Three, budgetary allocation for the National Disaster Management Authority (NDMA) is Rs160 million while the annual budget for the PM House is Rs770 million. 

Four, Pakistanis are getting more and more indebted by the minute while assets of the ruling class keep on increasing by the day.

 Five, Nigeria is the only country on the face of the planet with more out-of-school children than Pakistan.

Six, the cost of the Nandipur Power Project has gone up from $329 million to $847 million and if diesel is used to produce power it will cost Rs41 per unit.

This is what purana Pakistan is mostly about.

Admittedly, Imran Khan has no comprehensive blueprint for Naya Pakistan; neither does Allama Tahirul Qadri. What they have done, however, is exposed the purana Pakistan to 180 million Pakistanis. And Pakistanis hate what they see in purana Pakistan.

Here are the proofs that Pakistanis hate what they see in purana Pakistan.

One, passengers threw Rehman Malik off the PIA aircraft – something that has no precedence in our political history.

Two, police high-command has now started demanding written orders from their elected leaders in order to shoot at unarmed citizens.

General (r) Mirza Aslam Baig, for reasons only known to him, may want to call it a foreign conspiracy against Pakistan but, to be certain, throwing Rehman Malik out the PIA aircraft is no American conspiracy against Pakistan. To be sure, police high-command demanding written orders from their elected leaders is no Jewish conspiracy against Pakistan. This is all about Pakistani middle class revolting against purana Pakistan.






Naya Pakistan has to be a contractual state. Naya Pakistan has to have a social contract between the voters and their elected leaders. The social contract must cover three things.

One, who will pay taxes?

Two, how much taxes will be paid by each taxpayer?

Three, how will these taxes be spent?

Naya Pakistan has to have three things – elections, accountability and a responsive government (purana Pakistan has had plenty of elections but neither accountability nor a responsive government).

Here are four steps to a naya Pakistan.

One, alter spending priorities as per voters’ needs and demands.

Two, invest in education and health.

Three, invest in justice.

Four, privatize all public sector enterprises in a competitive, transparent process.

The constitution is not under threat.

The democratic system is not under threat.

Yes, the old political order is under threat.

And, yes, the custodians of the old political order are feeling threatened.








The writer is a columnist based in Islamabad. Email: farrukh15@hotmail.com

Twitter: @saleemfarrukh


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The Apathy in Pakistan to Support Reform



The Apathy in Pakistan to Support Reform

I am appalled.

 I am appalled at the apathy of Pakistani society in not supporting for once what is clearly ( in my lifetime at least ) the most serious and deep rooted attempt at reform.

 I am appalled at the pretentiousness of many otherwise perfectly logical and sane people, for not supporting this serious attempt to get rid of this terrible putrid sewerage system of so called democracy, so cunningly labeled by these sick self-serving so called politicians to safeguard their golden geese.

 These politicians who have destroyed all semblance of good order and governance, simply because of this label of so called democracy. Look at these names who have been in political power in one form or shape or the other, be it a civilian or military administration.

 Look at this horrible horrible roll call of political deviants. Nawaz Sharif, Shahbaz Sharif, Ishaq Dar, Saad Rafique, Asif Zardari, Khurshid Shah, Fazlur Rehman, Asfandyar Wali. An endless list of self serving, corrupt to the core, people.

 While some may criticize IK and TUQ for resorting to “undemocratic” methods. Here’s something to ponder. What choice do IK and TUQ and and people like us have.  

 We can’t boot the Nawaz Sharifs and Asif Zardaris out through the electoral process because they have “bought” the entire process.

 We can’t take them to court, because they have “bought” the entire judicial system.

 We can’t hold them for any form of major administrative impropriety, terrible misgovernance, gross and blatant use of authority in public sector leadership appointments, misuse of public funds, open corruption, brazen conflict of interest, just because they have “bought” the entire administrative structure.

 So IK and TUQ and people who want reform had and have no option but to resort to what they have done. Because, while theoretically we have a parliament and an elected government and there is due process for acquiring power, the system has been hijacked and held hostage by these “professional crooks” masquerading as political leaders.

 Look at Khurshid Shah thundering in parliament, earlier today and look at the sickening amount of ill gotten wealth he has acquired through corruption since 1991 when he was first elected as am MNA. Can anyone justify this terrible and blatant hypocrisy and criminality.

 While some may not like IK’s arrogance ( I do) or TUQ’s Canadian citizen ship ( irrelevant) or their perceived lack of political acumen. BUT If these two can set in motion the wheels of change for a better, prosperous Pakistan with strong institutions, especially the Police and the Judiciary, an electoral process which does not hand over power to a bunch of professional crooks with just 10 to 15 % of the registered vote, a system of political accountability which does not allow people in power to blatantly and brazenly misuse authority and public trust and public funds, and a country where no one Faith is imposed on another, I am all for it.

 And for those professional politicians with IK ( not many with TUQ) who think that they will benefit once again from the ‘IK” bandwagon, as they have done on other bandwagons in the past…I think they are in for a surprise

Author’s Contact: hl_mehdi@hotmail.com>

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War? With this Team?

Islamabad diary
Friday, January 24, 2014 



We are in a state of war, even if Punjab and the national leadership from Punjab find it excruciatingly difficult to recognise this reality. From 1947 onwards the land of the sacred rivers didn’t prove itself very good at nation-building. Now with a different set of problems facing the country it is proving even less good at nation-saving.

The forces of disorder and ‘Islamic’ conquest are on the march and the Punjab-led state of Pakistan has gone into a trance, fervently hoping that by itself, by some miracle of the heavens, the danger will pass…leaving its prosperous trader-leaders free to expand their business and industrial empires.

Trader-politicians exist but they are for normal times. Pakistan’s current paladins have been elected for sure and with a heavy mandate too, but the fact that despite this mandate they present a picture of utter confusion, only proves what is frequently said about them: that while smart enough in some things – business and trade, for instance – giving the nation leadership and a sense of direction in these trying times is not their cup of tea.

On a war footing we should be. This is what circumstances dictate but this is where our troubles start. For, in all honesty, with the Sharifs, Dar, Nisar, and Asif sitting around the table, is this anyone’s idea of a war cabinet? Would anyone have made Churchill war leader in 1940 if he had been a baron of trade and industry as our present leaders are?

Since this lot came to power seven months have gone by and the Taliban have recovered from the death of Hakeemullah Mehsud and are once again on the offensive. And we don’t know what to do. The realisation is gaining ground that, perhaps, there is no running away from this fight and that whether we like it or not we shall have to take a stand. But our hearts are not in this enterprise. You just have to look at Nawaz Sharif and company. Do they look as if they are leading a nation at war? 

Doing something is a long way off. They can’t even find the right words. So what is to be done? Or do we assume that history’s lessons are for others, not us? Don’t we remember Yugoslavia? Do we forget what happened to the Soviet Union? Don’t we have eyes to see what is happening across the Middle East, in Syria most notably where civil war rages and, but for Russian support and Bashar al-Assad’s determination, the country would long ago have splintered?

Excoriate Assad for other things as much as we may like but spirit and resolution even his detractors will have to grant him. He and his wife and children continue to stay in Damascus even as sections of the city have turned into battlefields.

Sooner or later fight we will have to. Even if we want to bury our heads in the sand the Taliban are pushing us so hard that our sleeping ghairat (honour) will have no choice but to wake up and do something. How strange the workings of this ghairat? On fire at the merest mention of drones, completely unmoved even as the Taliban make Christian martyrs of us by slapping one cheek, then the other, and from Nawaz Sharif downwards our leaders behaving like the best of Samaritans.

Incidentally, mark how diabolically clever our American friends are. All the while that the Taliban recharged under the leadership of Mullah Fazlullah are into their current offensive – striking here, there and everywhere – they haven’t carried out a single drone attack. If they had we would have forgotten the Taliban, raised the banner of Islam and rushed at the Americans, blaming them for our troubles. Since they have not, we stand deprived of our best excuse, so much so that the drone word these past couple of weeks seems to have disappeared altogether from the pulsating fury of our national discourse. Clever of our American friends. 

But the question remains, who leads the national effort? Those who can’t bring themselves even to say the right words? That’s our problem…a Mustafa Kemal situation but no Mustafa Kemal, a battle for survival without plan or resolve, leaders muttering pieties, wringing their hands, their confusion deepening by the day, their hearts not in this fight, their hearts elsewhere – the price of chicken and eggs (yes, poultry one of their latest preoccupations), private trade deals with Turkey and China. So it goes on.

The Punjab leadership is concerned only about Punjab…that too that sliver of middle, prosperous, motorway Punjab, while the rest of the country burns at the edges and for lack of leadership sinks deeper into listlessness and depression.

Therein the contradiction – a nation finally ready for taking this fight to the finish but a leadership without spirit or spine. It had to take some civilians injured in the RA Bazaar bomb blast to tell the prime minister and army chief in no uncertain terms when they came visiting the Military Hospital to teach the Taliban a lesson. One of the injured used the Punjabi language’s most endearing phrase about sister relationships to describe the Taliban. But again the old problem: if your forte is bank loans and factories, how do you become a war leader? There are no switches you can pull to bring about this transformation.

That’s why we are living in a dangerous moment because the leadership problem could bring the whole edifice of our shining democracy tumbling down. I hate saying this but where there is a vacuum – in this case a vacuum of leadership – something is bound to fill it. Or disorder reigns and things fall apart. Foreign examples are telling enough but our own history is also instructive. There were many causes for the breakup of Pakistan in 1971 but inadequate leadership was one of them. Yahya Khan was an intelligent man, in his day a brilliant staff officer. But the events he was called upon to deal with were too big for him.

Our present leaders graduated from the ISI’s school of political tactics way back in the 1980s and 1990s. The bible they were taught was anti-Bhuttoism at which they proved very good. These are different times. Only Kemalism, a firm turning away from the medievalism of the past 30 years, can save Pakistan. But of that there are few signs.

One notion we should disabuse ourselves of. All-out war does not mean hitting one’s head against a wall. It does not mean an assault on North Waziristan without adequate preparation. It means, first of all, a change of national attitude, a stiffening of national resolve, a focusing on the essential instead of the secondary (a dictum of Hitler’s which he forgot when he attacked Russia without finishing matters with Britain). It also means the army bidding farewell to the complicated scripture of good and bad Taliban.

Are the Taliban fighting for municipal autonomy that the bozos of this administration and Imran Khan want to negotiate with them? Do the Taliban want provincial status for Fata that the appeasement brigade wants to talk to them? They want not a piece, they want the whole, something our political geniuses find hard to understand.

We should be studying Munich and the history of the Second World War. Chamberlain was a better politician than anyone in our appeasement brigade. But he misjudged Hitler as Chamberlain’s Pakistani successors, none more so than the Punjab-centric leadership, misjudge the Taliban.

Is Pakistan’s cause hopeless? No, it can be redeemed provided we solve the riddle of leadership. As the French anthem, the Marseillaise, proclaims: to arms, citizens, form your battalions, let impure blood drench our plains. Who infuses the armies of the republic with this spirit?

Email: winlust@yahoo.com

Ayaz Amir has rightly pointed out that power today lies in the hand of those who believe in TAP SE TE THUSS KARSE ,
then how  can one expect out of this leadership of  these Jali Punjabis  to face the on slaught  of those who are out to die.
Prior to this Gohar Ayub has throughly exposed the  dirty face and cowardice  character of gang of corrupts  in his book Glimpses into the Corridors of Power.

You are right actually Punjab is breeding them that is why they never condemned them openly and sealed their dens. If I can point out where are they in Punjab then why not GOP. Jhang Dadu
Khairpur Tamewali Muree up north and other parts of the country.
It Is so well defined article by Ayaz. 

If you see history, every invader came from the north. Less the british.  So all threats come from khyber and move down through Punjab to Delhi. So what we call punjab is actually a

land of darbari folks.

Yes sir to every invader and please move on to delhi for better  rewards.

This time round , the new invader has already made inroads in punjab and thats why the punjabi leadership want to close its eyes and hope they will go away


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The only shameless DR. of Pakistan: Dr (Honorary) Nawaz Sharif.

The only shameless DR. of Pakistan
Dr (Hony) Nawaz Sharif.
 Pakistan Think Tank
2014 Piss-On-You Award
Recipients: University of Government College Vice Chancellor
& Nawaz Sharif, Dhandeli “PM”
Dear VC,   AAWR & Editor
I am shocked to learn that UGC has conferred doctorate degree to one of the most undeserving and illiterate person. who happened to got admission  in Government College Lahore on the basis of Wrestling ( Kushti) and till today not yet confirmed whether he had passed his BA or not.
 You must be having very solid reason to do so which you must share with this nation. Otherwise it will be assumed that an incompetent VC has tarnished centuries old image of Government College Lahore as well of all Ravians.
From this act of yours one can very conveniently assess present academic level of UGC, and intellectual level of its Vice Chancellor. I hope Old Ravians will protest against this undesired act on part of VC of UGC who has ruined reputation of UGC and Ravians.
An article written by Mr. Hassan Nisar is also attached which you may like.
Yours sincerely,
A Senior Citizen


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AVM Shahzad Chaudhry’s Article Pak Papers Refused To Publish: Don’t Dig

Dear Sir,


Find below a Piece that my regular Papers simply refused to publish; and this after over five years of a relationship between me and these mainstream Papers. Question: How deep is this conspiracy to strangulate Musharraf? Many of us may have many reasons to dislike Musharraf – I have many – but is this how justice is dispensed.


What Pakistan’s mainstream Papers would not publish because it just might seem to offer a ray of hope to Musharraf needs to be widely disseminated.


Let no voice be stifled.


Please share widely with your contacts.




Shahzad Chaudhry

Don’t dig….


When in 1999 Nawaz Sharif dithered inexplicably on sacking Musharraf following Kargil, he began a series of actions that only blighted this nation and his personal self. A stand-off pregnant with the possibility that either man may strike against the other ensued. Nawaz Sharif procrastinated endlessly and provided Musharraf the opportunity to regain his balance. Musharraf struck on October 12, in response to a botched attempt by Mian Sahib to finally remove him.


Musharraf’s coup was an aberration; there being no earthly reason for him to call a coup other than preserving his position as the army chief. It derailed democracy; stunted political growth, and disenfranchised the political spectrum of the society by forcing Nawaz Sharif, and Benazir soon after, into exile. Within the military it wasn’t a popular coup; though, once it occurred it slowly engendered hope and promise against the dismal performance of the  government that Musharraf dislodged. In his nine years Musharraf did well on economy with a strong team, but it all came at the cost of another inevitable estrangement between personalities and institutions. Today Musharraf finds himself in the dock as a payback for that excess; at least that should have been the case. It is not. 


The original sin, the October 12, 1999 coup, which was universally abhorred, stands condoned, but the November 03, 2007 Emergency is what will not go unpunished. Strange ways. The November 03 emergency was a bona fide Constitutional measure under Article 232; but it must be brought to book because some judges refused to take a new oath after having already been tainted with an earlier oath under a PCO. One could question Musharraf’s judgment, or intent, but not his right to impose Emergency; and judgment remains a matter of opinion while intent is difficult to stand the test of legal evidence.


Mian Sahib, given his personality, hates confrontation; his previous proclivity for the same proscribed considerably with unpleasant experiences in his previous tenures. Nawaz Sharif would have known that he, Musharraf and Chaudhry Iftikhar, the former Chief Justice, were all tied into a triangular relationship around events that occurred in 1999, and after, and a recall on one would invariably mean bringing the other two into perspective with all the attendant fall-out – mostly adversarial and negative. A recall, that comes in the manner of an ill-timed trial, will bring alive the accompanying din of vengeance. Yet, he and his government have in hand a hot potato that they rather not have touched in the first place.


Perhaps, he has his Minister of Interior, Chaudhry Nisar, and some expedient politics, to blame for the ensuing discomfort. When seriously deficient administrative measures caused a most unfortunate mayhem and loss of life in the Ashura incident in Rawalpindi, the government fell back to the most infamous political tactic of introducing a diversion sure to take the focus away from a tardy failure. Out of nowhere, and having stayed quiet all this while on the issue, the government in its wisdom decided to bring Musharraf to justice. The Ashura incident since has long been forgotten. What we have instead is another challenge.
















Mian Sahib is knee deep in the quagmire that is terrorism; tanked-out economy; impossible and deficient energy state; inflation and poverty that now are monstrosities; a nation that stands so fragmented along its various fault-lines that it seems on the verge to implode; sans direction, possibly without a vision, dysfunctional, smacking of incapacity to get out of the hole that it finds itself in. Instead he digs, and the hole only gets deeper, insurmountable.


This is what a Musharraf trial will deliver. A commonly held belief among the masses – and the upper crust one percent is no masses, please – that by indicting Musharraf the civilians will have evened out with the military. To the masses, Rule of Law is a farce of the elites that has no relevance to their lives. To the vocal elites, it is an opportunity to flag Rule of law as a divine principle that in reality they will never let touch their personal or collective lives. The veneer of morality is shamelessly superficial. Peel a layer, and you will soon be confronted by the argument, ‘but was not a civilian Prime Minister hanged?’. Right, he was, and Pakistan is poorer for it. But does that justify a repeat of the heinousness of our collective animalistic instincts; again. Who are we? And what games are we indulging in? We are already having trouble qualifying as people to the rest of the world. For heaven’s sake, know what is right; and even more importantly, when is right.


When the courts in the previous government brought many a retired general before it on various charges, the army leadership was internally castigated by both the serving and the retired community for abandoning their own to the travesties of disrespect and dishonor that were wrought in the name of Rule of Law and civilian supremacy. To a military mind, appearing before courts – any court including their own – is an indignity; one simply is not meant to err. Musharraf’s trial will rekindle that sense of indignity especially when in the parallel civilian structures – that bay for Musharraf’s blood – there is nothing of moral capital to show. Inevitably, bringing Musharraf to justice may have already forced military’s hand. For the moment Musharraf lies sick with the army, but he has also walked into the safety of army’s hands. Those who sought army’s position on the issue have it in no uncertain terms. This is a risky place. Whatever institutional balance seemed to have been restored lies at the cusp of another vulnerability. Such is the fragility of this governing structure of ours.


Why may the Rule of Law be established only through one man alone? Is it not a pervasive need across the spectrum? What of the rampant corruption; parking of ill gotten money in accounts abroad; failure to pay taxes; mis-governance; policies that only target to benefit the chosen few of the politico-economic clans? These too are crimes against humanity that remain unattended. Musharraf erred, big time, on October 12, 1999, but that isn’t even under consideration. Instead what we have is a recourse to selective justice. Deal whatever way you may with it here-on, Pakistan would have regressed

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