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Pakistaniaat : A Journal of Pakistan Studies Vol. 3, No. 3 (2011)
Pakistan: Beyond the ‘Crisis State’
Reviewed by David Waterman
Pakistan: Beyond the ‘Crisis State.’ Maleeha Lodhi, ed. London: Hurst and
Company, 2011. 391 pages. ISBN-13: 978-1-84904-135-5.
Maleeha Lodhi, as the editor of Pakistan: Beyond the ‘Crisis State,’ has managed
to assemble some of Pakistan’s most influential academics, writers, economists
and policymakers in one volume, designed to give an insider’s perspective on
Pakistan’s “crisis” from diverse angles, and more importantly, to suggest
solutions regarding Pakistan’s obvious potential for a better future. The book is
not a collection of conference proceedings, but rather the product of a virtual
conference in cyberspace, discussing themes of “governance, security, economic
and human development and foreign policy […] what binds all the distinguished
contributors is their belief that Pakistan’s challenges are surmountable and the
impetus for change and renewal can only come from within, through bold reforms
that are identified in the chapters that follow” (3).
The first few chapters concentrate on Pakistan’s history and the sense of a
Pakistani identity, now that the country has existed in very concrete terms for
sixty-five years or so. Ayesha Jalal suggests that Pakistan’s path toward a
national identity for its heterogeneous people has been interrupted, as its history
has been co-opted for “political and ideological reasons” (11). Pakistan’s position
vis-à-vis India, militant Islam and 9/11 are all important factors in the equation as
well. Akbar Ahmed recalls Jinnah’s role not only in the founding of the nation,
but his continuing legacy in terms of an equilibrium between Islam and the State;
Jinnah’s thoughts are in large part gleaned from his speeches and letters, as he left
no monograph before his death (23). Mohsin Hamid, author of Moth Smoke and
The Reluctant Fundamentalist (filming for the movie has apparently begun),
assumes his mantle of engaged journalist in an essay entitled “Why Pakistan will
Survive.” His argument is best summed up as follows: “we are not as poor as we
like to think” (41), highlighting Pakistan’s strength in diversity, and in economic
terms, Hamid suggests that something as simple as a coherent, fair tax code could
allow the nation to concentrate on schools and healthcare, while cutting the
strings of American aid and its corresponding intervention in Pakistan’s affairs.
Maleeha Lodhi’s own chapter is a detailed overview of contemporary history,
calling attention to political asymmetry, clientelist politics and borrowed growth
David Waterman
as well as security concerns and regional pressures on national unity; ultimately
she calls for a “new politics that connects governance to public purpose” (78).
The essays then move into more political themes, and the first among them
discusses the army as a central element of Pakistani political, and indeed
corporate, life. Shuja Nawaz argues that while the army has historically been a
significant power broker, the generation of commanders from the Zia and
Musharraf eras is about to retire, thus promising the possibility of change,
including the realization that “counterinsurgency operations are 90 per cent
political and economic and only 10 per cent military” (93). Saeed Shafqat also
discusses the political role of the military, saying that while elections are of
course essential to democracy, more attention needs to be paid to the rule of law
and the incorporation of cultural pluralism (95), never forgetting the role of
various elites within the process; he suggests that the emergence of coalition
politics is a hopeful sign. Islam’s role in politics is the focus of Ziad Haider’s
essay, tracing its evolution from Jinnah’s comments through the Munir report,
Islamization under Zia and Talibanization to the “This is Not Us” movement
(129) and the hope that moderate Islam represents the future of Pakistan. A
chapter entitled “Battling Militancy,” by Zahid Hussain, continues the discussion,
tracing the development of jihadist politics given the situation in Afghanistan.
The focus then shifts to economic policy, beginning with Ishrat Husain’s
insistence that economic policies cannot remain sound without solid institutions
behind them; he cites the long-term nature of economic progress, while successive
governments seem interested only in short-term horizons (149-150). Meekal
Ahmed follows the Pakistani economy from the early sixties and periods of
relative health, through Ayub Khan’s era, also a time of economic stability, which
changes under Bhutto and his nationalization programs, and since then has gone
from crisis to crisis, both the government and poor IMF oversight bearing a share
of the blame. Competitiveness is the key concept for Muddassar Mazhar Malik,
who reminds us that Pakistan is “open for business” despite many challenges to
overcome, citing economic potential, natural resources and strategic location as
strong points (201). Ziad Alahdad then shifts the focus to energy, a sector in
crisis which then has an enormous impact on Pakistan’s economy, all of this in a
country with abundant natural energy resources; a more coherent exploitation of
Integrated Energy Planning would be part of an overall solution (240).
Strategic issues then occupy several chapters, beginning interestingly with
education as part of the formula, as advanced by Shanza Khan and Moeed Yusuf,
who suggest that politically-neutral education is the foundation not only of
Pakistaniaat : A Journal of Pakistan Studies Vol. 3, No. 3 (2011)
economic development but also the means to resist violent extremism by building
expectations and supplying hope, especially for the young. Pakistan of course
possesses nuclear weapons, and Feroz Hassan Khan asks the question, wondering
if its nuclear capability has allowed Pakistan to focus itself on other priorities, in
other words averting wars rather than fighting them, to paraphrase Bernard
Brodie, cited in Khan’s essay (268). Munir Akram’s essay, “Reversing Strategic
‘Shrinkage,’ highlights Pakistan’s current challenges: the Pakistani Taliban’s
attacks in KP and large cities; Pakistan’s involvement in Afghanistan; Balochi
alienation; economic stagnation; energy crises; growing poverty, all of which
have contributed to “a dangerous mood of national pessimism,” according to
Akram (284). Afghanistan occupies Ahmed Rashid’s attention, as it has for over
thirty years now; he critiques strategic claims that have become worn with time,
such as the need for strategic depth for Pakistan (although the notion of ‘strategic
depth’ changes when a country becomes a nuclear power), or India’s desire
(among other countries) to gain influence in Kabul (314-315). The final essay,
“The India Factor,” culminates the volume by tracing the tumultuous relations
between the two nuclear-armed neighbors, the bumpy road to peace, the effect of
the 2008 Mumbai attacks, all within the context of peoples who have not
forgotten the trauma of Partition and the secession of East Pakistan. In spite of
the obstacles, Syed Rifaat Hussain lists many of the promising agreements that
have been reached or are in progress, an encouraging sign and a reminder that
good relations are beneficial to both nations.
Human development, Maleeha Lodhi remarks in a concluding note, must
be Pakistan’s priority, and is within reach, as all of the contributors to the volume
insist. Lodhi summarizes thus: “Electoral and political reforms that foster greater
and more active participation by Pakistan’s growing educated middle class will
open up possibilities for the transformation of an increasingly dysfunctional,
patronage-dominated polity into one that is able to tap the resilience of the people
and meet their needs” (350). Pakistan: Beyond the ‘Crisis State’ is a fine piece
of work, written by specialists for an audience of intelligent non-specialists, and
achieves its objective admirably. Maleeha Lodhi has succeeded remarkably in her
edition of this gathering of clear-sighted experts, who never lose sight of
Pakistan’s potential beyond its current challenges.
Posted by Azahir in Pakistan-A Polaris of Earth on May 11th, 2013
In the words of Oscar Wilde, “Democracy means simply the bludgeoning of the people by the people for the people”. True, democracy is a form of government wherein the supreme power is in the hands of the people. The word ‘democracy’ hails from the Greek word meaning ‘popular government’. Let us look at the definition of democracy and its advantages and disadvantages.
Definition
Democracy, by definition, is a political system in which the supreme power lies in a body of citizens who can elect people to represent them. It can also be defined as the political orientation of those who favor government by the people or by their elected representatives. The two basic types of democracy are direct and representative. In direct democracy, people take active part in law-making and other government decisions. In representative democracy, representatives elected by people take part in law-making and decisions taken by the government.
The main advantage of a direct democracy is that people have a great sense of involvement in government decisions as they actively participate in policy initiatives. But chances are that important decisions are driven by opinions of those who aren’t quite capable of decision-making. Policy decisions are made with the consensus of people which makes the process fair. But there are chances of majority influencing the minority leading to wrong decisions being made. The other more common form of democracy is representative. It is similar to the US republican form of government. Here we discuss in detail, the pros and cons of representative democracy.
Advantages
ISLAMABAD (AFP) – Millions of Pakistanis go to the polls Saturday in elections overshadowed by Taliban threats but marking a historic democratic transition of power in a nuclear-armed state used to military rule.
Taliban attacks have so far killed more than 100 people on the campaign trail and forced the main parties in the outgoing government, singled out by the insurgents for their alliance with the United States, to scrap major rallies.
The race has been dominated by opposition leader Nawaz Sharif, head of the Pakistan Muslim League-N (PML-N) and former cricket star Imran Khan, who is looking to make a breakthrough for his Pakistan Tehreek-e-Insaf (PTI) party.
Sharif, a steel tycoon, is considered the front-runner and tipped to become the first politician to serve three terms as prime minister. He was first in the post from 1990-93, until he was sacked for corruption, and from 1997-99, when he was deposed by a military coup.
Khan, who won only one seat in 2002 and boycotted polls in 2008, has led an electric campaign, galvanising the middle class and young people in what he has called a “tsunami” of support that will propel him into office.
The former Pakistan cricket captain suffered head injuries after falling from a lift winching him up to the stage for an election rally on Tuesday, but recovered to make an appeal for voter support from his hospital bed.
The main outgoing Pakistan People s Party (PPP) has run a lacklustre, rudderless campaign without a leader. Its election advertising still stars Benazir Bhutto, its charismatic prime minister assassinated in 2007.
Her son, Bilawal, is too young to run for parliament and Taliban threats have prevented him from addressing public rallies. His father, President Asif Ali Zardari, is barred from campaigning as head of state and is anyway deeply divisive and unpopular.
The polls are considered critical to strengthening democracy in Pakistan, marking the first time that an elected civilian government completes a full term and hands over to another in a country ruled by the army for half its existence.
Pakistan s more than 86 million voters have the choice of 4,670 candidates standing for the 342-member lower house of parliament and nearly 11,000 people running for four regional assemblies.
More than 600,000 security personnel will be deployed across the country to guard against Taliban strikes and around half the estimated 70,000 polling stations have been declared at risk of attack.
Turnout will be crucial. Commentators are divided on whether a wealth of enthusiastic first-term voters and Taliban threats will make turnout higher or lower than the 44 percent at the last elections in 2008.
“I want every person in this nation to have equal living standards, equal education, equal career opportunities,” said Rohail Khan, 21, a student in the southwestern city of Quetta, excited about voting for the first time.
The main issues are the tanking economy, an appalling energy crisis which causes power cuts of up to 20 hours a day, the war on Islamist militants, chronic corruption and the dire need for development.
Khan has sought to put policies and issues at the front of the campaign, promising to stamp out corruption, but personality politics and kinship ties traditionally determine voting in Pakistan.
Sharif has presented himself as a statesman-in-waiting, the man who presided over economic growth in the 1990s and the man who knows how to deliver.
Both he and Khan have backed talks with the Taliban and criticised US drone strikes against Islamist militants, although it remains unclear if or how policy towards extremism would change under a new government.
Raza Rumi, the director of the Jinnah Institute think tank, says the Taliban threat to the campaign has been alarming.
“It is the first time that non-state actors are even now determining the course of elections. That is a major worry,” he said.
“The surprise is Imran Khan s growing support in the country. Whether he wins or not is a separate issue, but the fact that he mobilised so many people, he gave confidence to so many people, is good for the democracy”
If PML-N and PTI perform well, they are likely to face criticism that they were helped to their victories by the Taliban, which singled out the PPP and its secular partners, the Awami National Party (ANP) and the Muttahida Qaumi Movement (MQM).
But Taliban spokesman Ehsanullah Ehsan, referring to PTI and PML-N, told AFP: “If they also come into conflict with Islam, then we will decide to target them.”
Democracy can provide for changes in government without violence. In a democracy, power can be transferred from one party to another by means of elections. The jurisdiction of the citizens of a nation determines its ruling authority.
Moreover, any government is bound by an election term after which it has to compete against other parties to regain authority. This system prevents monopoly of the ruling authority. The ruling party has to make sure it works for its people for it cannot remain being the authority after completing its term unless re-elected by the people.
This brings in a feeling of obligation towards the citizens. The ruling authorities owe their success in the elections to the citizens of the nation. They feel grateful towards people. It can serve as their motivation to work for the people for it is the common masses that have complete power over choosing their government.
Another important advantage of democracy is that the people gain a sense of participation in the process of choosing their government. They get the opportunity to voice their opinions by means of electoral votes. This breeds a sense of belonging towards society.
Read more at Buzzle: http://www.buzzle.com/articles/advantages-and-disadvantages-of-democracy.html
by admin on Oct 24, 2011
Muhammad Ali Jinnah was born in Karachi on December 25, 1876. His father Jinnah Poonja was an Ismaili Khoja of Kathiawar, a prosperous business community. Muhammad Ali received his early education at the Sindh Madrasa and later at the Mission School, Karachi. He went to England for further studies in 1892 at the age of 16. In 1896, Jinnah qualified for the Bar and was called to the Bar in 1897.
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