Our Announcements
Sorry, but you are looking for something that isn't here.
Posted by admin in Democracy & Freedoms, DEMOCRACY GONE BESERK on November 14th, 2013
Archive Article
April, 2013
In the Name of Democracy
|
As Pakistan vacillates between military rule and civilian government, what end of the spectrum will it settle on?
Some people consider it a miracle, others say it’s a blessing in disguise and the rest term it as the most painful era in the history of Pakistan. The completion of the five-year tenure of a civilian democratic government in the country, elected as a result of the February 2008 elections, is being celebrated. However, several questions arise regarding the performance of the so-called democratic era of Pakistan. Why is it that in the name of democracy, this civilian government plunged its people in a state of economic hardship, terrorism and rampant corruption? Should the people have tolerated all these enormous ordeals and the failing status of their country just for the sake of democracy? Can the forthcoming elections, if held, bring a qualitative change in the socio, economic and political conditions of the people or is it expected to worsen the situation in the days to come? Out of Pakistan’s 66-year history, the country has been under military and quasi-military rule for around 30 years. The remaining 36 years were governed by civilian governments but under the shadow of the military and intelligence agencies. Even the most powerful civilian government of Z.A. Bhutto failed to curb the military’s influence. Following the civil disobedience movement, Army Chief of Staff General Zia-ul-Haq, toppled Bhutto’s government. The movement was launched by the Pakistan National Alliance in response to the alleged poll rigging of the March 1977 general elections by the PPP regime. Post-1972, Pakistan had the opportunity to strengthen civilian democratic rule but politicians failed to understand that while seeking legitimacy and credit, it was imperative to provide good governance, accountability and rule of law. All the civilian governments ranging from Z. A. Bhuttto, to Benazir Bhutto, Nawaz Sharif, Yusuf Raza Gilani and Pervez Ashraf will be remembered in history as incompetent, corrupt, ruthless, vindictive, manipulative and apathetic governments. When President Zardari and PML (N) leader Nawaz Sharif tout their success in helping complete five years of a “democratic, civilian” government, the people of Pakistan have learnt to take it with a pinch of salt. The so-called democratic governments have had five years to deliver but opinion polls illustrate a rise in public frustration and terrorism thus contradicting political claims of success. The rule of law, good governance and accountability remained a low priority for the civilian-democratic rulers of Pakistan. Berlin-based Transparency International (TI) also issued a hefty report, providing reams of evidence of mega corruption scandals within Pakistan’s current government structure. The hearings and verdicts of the Supreme Court in the last four years also speak of volumes of corruption and nepotism on the part of the PPP led government. Democracy has never been fully practiced in Pakistan. Power hungry politicians have wreaked havoc in state institutions ranging from Water and Power Development Authority (WAPDA), Railways, Steel Mills and Pakistan International Airlines (PIA), all at the expense of the common man. In the last five years, the PPP-led government borrowed 9 trillion rupees from different banks and financial lending institutions, including the State Bank. Foreign debt, which stood at 36 billion dollars in early 2008 is now 60 billion dollars. The value of the rupee versus US$ which was PKR60 in early 2007, now stands at PKR100. Foreign exchange reserves, which should have been on the rise have almost depleted with the State Bank recording only $8.7 billion. Corruption amounting to trillions of rupees in the last five years has been a source of embarrassment and shame for Pakistan, internationally. Prices of essential commodities have more than doubled over the last five years and the periodic increase in government salaries has skyrocketed inflation. For the first time in the history of Pakistan, public sector universities are unable to pay salaries to their employees and teachers on time. With such a hopeless performance of the PPP-led government, does it make sense to take pride in the false notion of completing the 5 year term of a democratic, civilian government? While the notion of democracy is contested, many commentators in Pakistan wonder whether given the poor performance of civilian-democratic governments, the people of Pakistan were better off during military regimes? As compared to their civilian counterparts, two critical things, which are controlled by military regimes, whether under Ayub Khan, Zia-ul-Haq or Pervez Musharraf, are price control and law and order. One can do statistical research to compare the performance of military and civilian regimes in Pakistan since 1947 till today. Military regimes are, however, blamed of deepening ethnic and sectarian conflicts, suppressing their opponents brutally and losing wars and territories. Pakistan lost the 1971 war with India when the military was in power. Pakistan also lost Kargil and Siachen under military rule and the military establishment in order to neutralize its political opponents, patronized ethnic, sectarian and jihadi groups. In terms of performance, both civilian and military regimes have been unable to deliver successfully due to structural inadequacies within the leadership of Pakistan. Four major reasons are responsible for the failure of civilian governments in Pakistan. First is the lack of educated, professional, honest and enlightened politicians. Secondly, political traits of greed, power, incompetency and opportunism have molded career diplomats who often find themselves in positions of power and promptly resort to abusing the system. Third, the military has historically, and consciously, refused to support political pluralism and democratic institutions thus preventing the introduction and continuation of any cohesive political framework. Finally, the failure of politicians to develop a culture of tolerance has ripped the social fabric of Pakistan. While one can blame the tribal and feudal culture, religious dogmatism, social backwardness and illiteracy as major causes of Pakistan’s deterioration into a failing state, it is actually the mindset of politicians which is responsible for betraying the people of this great nation. Pakistan, in view of its serious fault lines, cannot afford the luxury of bad democracy. Certainly, parliamentary democracy in its present form has failed in Pakistan and serious questions must be raised regarding which political system is best suited to its peculiar socio-political make-up. |
Posted by admin in NAWAZ SHARIF FAMILY TURPITUDE on November 14th, 2013
Will there be justice?
“In August 2008 the reopening by the National Accountability Bureau (NAB) of the corruption cases about Hudaibiya Paper Mills, Ittefaq Foundry and Raiwind assets meant that the entire Sharif family was in the dock. There are three cases against the Sharif brothers and their families, which do not fall under the ambit of the National Reconciliation Ordinance (NRO), as all these were established after 1999. The cases were registered in 2000. Nine persons were nominated in the Hudaibiya paper mills case. They are late Mian Muhammad Sharif, Nawaz Sharif, Shahbaz Sharif, widow of Mian Muhammad Sharif, Mian Abbas Sharif, Hussain Nawaz, Hamza Shahbaz, Shamim Akhtar, Sabiha Abbas wife of Mian Abbas Sharif and Mariam Safdar. In the case of Hudabiya Sugar Mills, the charge is of money laundering to the tune of over Rs600 million whereas in the case against Ittefaq Foundry, the directors are accused of bank loans default involving a total sum of Rs1.6 billion.”
Email From A Member Pakistan Think TankSubject: Sharif Family SagaFrom: Payja <Gowalmandi>Date: 3 October 2013 14:00:19 GMT+5
To: undisclosed-recipients:;
Subject: Fwd: Sharif FamilyPakistan’s political system is broken: its political parties are ineffective, functioning for decades as instruments of two families, the Bhuttos and the Sharifs, two clans, both corrupt. The Bhutto-Zardari axis may be considered “left leaning,” while the Sharif brothers may be considered “right leaning.” The Sharifs are much closer to Pakistan’s military, and to Pakistan’s Muslim fundamentalists. Punjabi, the Sharifs represent Pakistan’s major ethnic bloc, and the devout Sunni Sharif has an advantage over the Bhuttos, who have Shiite ties.In 1968, Dr Mahbubul Haq spoke of 22 families that controlled 68 percent of Pakistan’s industrial assets, 86 percent of banking assets and many other sources of income generation. Almost all the big business groups of the 1970s had started in 1947 as family joint ventures.Mian Sharif and his six brothers set up an iron-melting furnace in Landa Bazaar and in 1967-68 expanded the business with his brothers. Later, he set up the Ittefaq Mills in the Shahara area. He went on to set up the Ittefaq Group of Companies and more than half a dozen factories and sugar mills across the Punjab, rising to fame in Pakistan’s business circles.Mian Sharif’s business faced a serious setback during the Zulfikar Ali Bhutto’s regime, as the government nationalised his industrial units and took over the Ittefaq Foundry. In 1972, when Zulfikar Ali Bhutto nationalized the Ittefaq Foundry, the heart of the Sharif family’s industrial empire, this set the Sharif family back considerably. The Sharifs disappeared from public eye and tried doing business in the West Asia. Mian Sharif founded the Sharif Group of Industries in 1974 after the nationalisation of the Ittefaq Foundry on the orders of prime minister Zulfiqar Ali Bhutto.In 1981, the family returned with a bang, and shot up to power. When Gen Ziaul Haq deposed Zulfikar Bhutto and took over as the chief martial law administrator, Mian Sharif and his three sons returned to Pakistan and managed to get the Ittefaq Foundry back from the government. In 1978, General Ziaul Haq handed over Ittefaq Foundry to the Sharifs of Lahore without inviting any bids. In fact, two other nationalised units, Nowshera Engineering in the NWFP and Hilal Ghee in Multan, were handed over to their original owners. Mian Sharif also developed friendly relations with Gen Zia and became one of the general’s most trusted men. In 1983, General Ziaul Haq inducted Nawaz Sharif into the Punjab provincial cabinet as finance minister.During the rule of Nawaz Sharif, the Gidani beach was the largest ship breaking industry in the world, providing more than $1 Billion in earnings to the people of the Mekran coast. To help the Ittefaq foundry keep its monopoly on steel, Nawaz Sharif imposed strict tariffs on the ship breaking industry, while expropriating the Pakistan Railway for free transportation of imported steel to Ittefaq Foundry. These acts of Nawaz Sharif destroyed the largest ship breaking industry in the world. The ships were sold at scrap value and provided valuable engines and repair material to an entire industry in Pakistan. The Gidani beach provided steel to the Pakistan Steel Mills as very low cost.The House of Ittefaq, the industrial conglomerate of Prime Minister Nawaz Sharif’s family, is not unity anymore and 119 offspring’s siblings and spouses of the seven founding brothers are currently battling in courts for the division of the assets of the Ittefaq group. As soon as Nawaz Sharif became Prime Minister in 1990, Mian Mohammad Sharif switched over to setting up projects independent of the other partners, thus laying the grounds for split. According to agreement reached in Lahore High Court by members of the family sometime in 1996, the House of Ittefaq split in two groups. The first comprised the families of Mian Mohammad Sharif, Mohammad Shafi, Barkat Ali, Yousaf Aziz and Idrees Bashir while the second group comprised the families of Meraj Din and Siraj Din. Members of the Ittefaq group are currently operating in three groups namely Sharif Group, Ittefaq Group and Haseeb Waqas Group. The three groups have only four companies listed on the Karachi Stock Exchange (KSE).
Former prime minister Nawaz Sharif left the country along with 18 other family members in December, 2000, after striking a deal with the military government. Mian Muhammad Sharif, father of Pakistan’s ex-Prime Minister Mian Nawaz Sharif, died in October 2000. Mian Sharif, a respected politician and noted industrialist of Pakistan, was in exile in Saudi Arabia along with his family after an agreement in 2000 with the Pakistan government.The Sharif family is the most influential family in the Punjab province, especially in the urban areas. The Sharif family is moving into third-generation politics. By grooming their sons, the Sharifs are perpetuating a political tradition that allows a few families to maintain a hold over national politics. The PML (N) continued to be led by the Sharif family, despite their exile in Saudi Arabia and the Saudis’ restrictions on their political activities, that effectively cut them out of the 2002 elections.In August 2008 the reopening by the National Accountability Bureau (NAB) of the corruption cases about Hudaibiya Paper Mills, Ittefaq Foundry and Raiwind assets meant that the entire Sharif family was in the dock. There are three cases against the Sharif brothers and their families, which do not fall under the ambit of the National Reconciliation Ordinance (NRO), as all these were established after 1999. The cases were registered in 2000. Nine persons were nominated in the Hudaibia paper mills case. They are late Mian Muhammad Sharif, Nawaz Sharif, Shahbaz Sharif, widow of Mian Muhammad Sharif, Mian Abbas Sharif, Hussain Nawaz, Hamza Shahbaz, Shamim Akhtar, Sabiha Abbas wife of Mian Abbas Sharif and Mariam Safdar. In the case of Hudabiya Sugar Mills, the charge is of money laundering to the tune of over Rs600 million whereas in the case against Ittefaq Foundry, the directors are accused of bank loans default involving a total sum of Rs1.6 billion.
Posted by admin in Taliban terrorists, TARGET PAKISTAN:4TH GENERATION WARFARE, TERRORIST TALIBAN on November 14th, 2013
Mullah Fazlullah’s Rise Complicates Ties Between Kabul, Islamabad
The rise of Mullah Fazlullah as the Pakistani Taliban’s leader marks not only a power shift within the militant network but also threatens to ignite fresh conflict between Islamabad and Kabul.
Mullah Fazlullah is seen in Pakistan in an undated image provided the SITE Intel Group, a U.S. analysis company.
Associated Press
ISLAMABAD—The rise of Mullah Fazlullah as the Pakistani Taliban’s new leader marks not only a power shift within the militant network but also threatens to ignite fresh conflict between Islamabad and Kabul.
Earlier this month, a U.S. drone strike killed the Pakistani Taliban’s chief, Hakimullah Mehsud, prompting a power struggle within the movement’s ranks. For the first time in its six-year history, the group tapped a commander from outside its cradle in the North Waziristan tribal area, selecting a native of Pakistan’s settled regions near Islamabad.
Ousted by a Pakistani army operation from their home valley of Swat in 2009, Mr. Fazlullah and his men are based in Afghanistan’s mountainous Kunar and Nuristan provinces, Pakistani officials and Western diplomats say. These Afghan connections could have serious consequences for relations between Islamabad and Kabul if Pakistani Taliban militants fulfill their promise to avenge the U.S. drone strike with massive attacks on the Pakistani government and army.
Islamabad’s likely response to such bloodshed would be to launch cross-border shelling into Kunar and Nuristan, analysts and diplomats say, as well as deploy some Afghan proxies against Mr. Fazlullah.
An even greater escalation is possible now that U.S.-led forces have by and large withdrawn from that part of Afghanistan. That’s especially so because Pakistani officials and some Western diplomats believe that Mr. Fazlullah enjoys tacit support from elements of the Afghan government that seek to punish Islamabad for its traditional backing of the Afghan Taliban.
“Fazlullah is seen as being hand-in-glove with the Afghan intelligence agencies, and it won’t be long before our hands are forced,” says Saifullah Khan Mahsud, executive director of the FATA Research Center in Islamabad, a think-tank focused on Pakistan’s northwest Federally Administered Tribal Area. “I don’t rule out our incursion into Afghanistan to get him as well. The U.S. has been employing the doctrine of hot pursuit—why not us?”
Any such border violence would put the U.S., which is negotiating a bilateral security pact with Afghanistan and relies on Pakistani routes, in a particularly tough spot.
Afghanistan and the U.S. have long complained that the Afghan Taliban—a separate militant organization—run their operations from shelters in Pakistan, with apparent complicity of the Pakistani security establishment. Adding evidence to these concerns was the assassination this week of a senior financier of the Afghan Taliban-linked Haqqani network in Pakistan’s orderly capital of Islamabad.
“If there are terrorist activities in Pakistan, then there will be a blame game: The Afghans are protecting him, like we are giving shelter to the Haqqanis,” said retired Pakistani Brig. Asad Munir, who served as a senior intelligence official in the country’s troubled northwest and then as the principal secretary for security in the tribal areas along the Afghan border.
The Afghan foreign ministry spokesman Janan Mosazai said that the Afghan government won’t let terrorist groups operate from Afghan territory or use them as a tool against another country. A senior Afghan intelligence official added “there is no evidence” that Kabul is aiding Mr. Fazlullah.
Kunar province Gov. Shuja-ul-Mulk Jalala Khan also described as “just rumors” Pakistani complaints that Mr. Fazlullah is based in his province, even as he said “there is no doubt that Pakistani Taliban are present in the border districts,” operating separately from the Afghan Taliban.
Not so long ago, Western officials dismissed Pakistani claims of Kabul’s support for Pakistani Taliban as little more than a conspiracy theory. That changed last month after a U.S. raid captured the deputy leader of the Pakistani Taliban, Latif Mehsud, on a highway south of Kabul—traveling in an Afghan government convoy. Afghan officials acknowledged they had reached out to Mr. Mehsud as a possible intermediary in their efforts to seek peace talks with the Afghan Taliban, an explanation that some Western diplomats have found disingenuous.
“There is a bit of tit-for-tat going on,” one diplomat said.
A midlevel Pakistani Taliban militant said that such murky connections with Afghan intelligence were dictated by necessity. “If you fight on both sides [of the border], you need allies on at least one side,” he said. “Afghanistan believes that all the problems inside Afghanistan are because of Pakistan, and it is looking for opportunity.”
Although the Pakistani militant group acknowledges the overall authority of Afghan Taliban founder Mullah Mohammed Omar, it pursues a fundamentally different strategy, attacking the Pakistani military and seeking to dismantle the Pakistani state. The Afghan Taliban, by contrast, aren’t hostile to the Pakistani establishment, and focus their campaign on Afghan government and coalition targets.
Mr. Fazlullah is the first leader of the group, formally called Tehreek-e-Taliban Pakistan, who hails from the settled parts of Pakistan proper as opposed to the tribal areas on the Afghan border. Both of his predecessors were from the Mehsud tribe in FATA’s North Waziristan, and up until now the TTP leadership was dominated by the Mehsuds.
Back in the Swat valley, Mr. Fazlullah was dubbed “Mullah Radio” for the fiery broadcasts on a pirate radio station he had established there. His new deputy also comes from a settled area, in Swabi, even closer to the Pakistani capital.
“It is a danger for Pakistan,” says Hafiz Tahir Ashrafi, who heads the Pakistan Ulema Council, a body uniting the country’s Islamic scholars. “Before, the TTP was only in North Waziristan and among the Mehsuds. Fazlullah wants to spread it all over, and make it larger.”
A former river-crossing operator, Mr. Fazlullah, aged around 40, established a draconian regime in the Swat valley, hanging accused sinners and spies on its main market square, and forbidding television, polio vaccination, and girls’ education.
While the Pakistani army views the 2009 clearing of Swat as a success, it is apprehensive that under Mr. Fazlullah the TTP would try to destabilize the valley, known for its scenery and ski resort. Mr. Fazlullah has already taken responsibility for the September killing of a Pakistani army major-general in charge of Swat. In October 2012, his men shot Malala Yousafzai, a teenage campaigner for girls’ education.
“People of Swat are very scared. They fear that Fazlullah is very familiar with this region, and will focus on the settled areas rather than FATA,” said Zubair Torwali, a local civil-society activist and columnist. “This may embolden the Swat Taliban to regroup and begin their activities here again.”
–Habib Khan Totakhil in Kabul and Saeed Shah in Islamabad contributed to this article.
Posted by admin in HEROES OF PAKISTAN on November 14th, 2013
By Brig Asif Haroon Raja
Gen Ashfaq Pervez Kayani took the baton from Gen Musharraf on November 29, 2007. As a result of three years extension given to him by the PPP government in November 2010, his second stint will expire on November 29, 2013. During his six years tenure he came across formidable challenges. Having served as GOC 12 Division, DGMO, Commander 10 Corps and DG ISI, he was well attuned to geo-political and operational environments and challenges faced by Pakistan and the Army. War on terror was in its sixth year and things were becoming increasingly difficult for the security forces to contain the rising militancy. Several untoward incidents had occurred which had impacted the morale and image of the Army. At the outset he called back all Army officers employed in civilian departments to put to rest the unwanted cribbing by certain quarters that the Army was monopolizing all organizations in Pakistan. The next thing he did was to forbid Army and its affiliated institutions like Military Intelligence, Rangers and Anti-Narcotics Force from meddling in elections and in political affairs as had happened in 2002 elections and afterwards.
He then made a strategic change in the training system of Army units by changing the normal training cycles imparting conventional training to low intensity conflict training so as to train the soldiers to confront the challenges of guerrilla war. Knowing that no amount of training and sermons would make a real change, he extended a highly loaded welfare package to the lower ranks in order to raise their morale, prestige and honor. His initiative was in contrast to the welfare measures of previous Army chiefs that were mostly confined to the officers only. 2008 was announced as the ‘Year of Soldiers’. By taking care of the uniform, administration, pay scale, pension, security and housing of soldiers, Kayani instilled new life into them and by the time they were pushed into the inferno of Swat they were fully charged up. His next move was to promote only those officers to senior ranks who excelled in leadership qualities, were professionally sound, bold and strong in character and enjoyed clean reputation. He delayed the promotion board scheduled in January 2008 by one year to be able to personally judge the ones in the race. He made sure that the units sent to the combat zone were fully trained, acclimatized and ably led. Realizing that Musharraf and Lt Gen Mahmood were not in good books of PAF senior officers, Kayani took extra pains to forge special ties with PAF and ACM Rao became his close friend.
Setting aside the poor tradition set by his predecessor, he undertook frequent visits to forward areas particularly where things were hot. He tasked DG ISI Gen Shuja Pasha and DG MI to recover the lost ground in FATA and strengthen the first line of defence that had been sufficiently weakened during the reign of Musharraf because of full liberty of action given to CIA and FBI. Efforts to dismantle CIA network were redoubled in the aftermath of Raymond Davis incident in January 2011. Kayani didn’t lose sight of the importance of media and posted well reputed Maj Gen Salim Bajwa and professional officers to ISPR who are working hard to confront the media challenges. Retired senior officers selected as heads of Army welfare institutions were chosen with care to ensure optimum commercial results.
Areas recaptured from the militants are being rebuilt and people rehabilitated systematically. Army has put in sustained efforts to win the hearts and minds of the people of Swat, FATA and Balochistan and have achieved pleasing results. These efforts have jeopardized the nefarious designs of enemies of Pakistan. Not only Kayani and his team have tackled the internal threats astutely, massive external threats posed by six intelligence agencies and belligerence of India and Afghanistan have been taken care of spiritedly. Series of three-service integrated Azm-e-Nau exercises together with successful test firing of variety of missiles are strong reminders to India that it’s much touted Cold Start doctrine if executed would prove highly costly.
On the political front, the first challenge he faced was in August 2008 when PM Yusaf Raza Gilani issued an executive order placing the ISI under Ministry of Interior headed by infamous Rahman Malik reputed to be US and UK choice man. This move was made in response to long held demand of the US and India to bridle ISI. Gilani had been told to complete this act before embarking upon his journey to Washington to meet President Obama. Kayani put his foot down and convinced Gilani to take back his decision. The next difficult situation emerged in the aftermath of Mumbai attacks on November 26, 2008. Both Zardari and Gilani buckled under fuming Indian pressure and consented to dispatch DG ISI Lt Gen Shuja Pasha to New Delhi to give first hand explanation that the ISI was not involved in the episode. Kayani once again intervened and made sure that the flawed decision was reversed.
When the Army was asked in end April 2009 to clear Swat of Fazlullah led militants and restore writ of the State after Fazlullah backtracked from the peace agreement signed in February 2009, Kayani devised a brilliant offensive plan and within a month freed Swat, Shangla, Buner, Dir, Malakand and Bajaur from the clutches of militants. While holding the captured areas firmly, the Army provided security to the locals. All out efforts were made to rehabilitate 1.7 displaced persons and to rebuild destroyed houses, schools, roads, culverts and bridges. Rehabilitation centres were established to cure teenagers brainwashed to become suicide bombers. Hustle and bustle and glamour of Swat was restored and business activities and tourism in the picturesque town recommenced. The people of Swat whose minds had been poisoned against the Army now respect and love the soldiers and don’t want them to abandon Swat.
The creator and commander of TTP, Baitullah Mehsud was killed by a drone in August 2009. He was replaced by Hakimullah Mehsud. In order to avenge the death of Baitullah, series of attacks were launched in October 2009 including an attack on GHQ on October 10, 2009. Gen Kayani was sitting in his office when ten militants stormed one of the gates of GHQ and some managed to slip inside. Within 18 hours all the militants were either killed or arrested but the shocking incident spurred Kayani to take the battle into the heartland of TTP in South Waziristan (SW). A three-pronged offensive was conceived and launched on October 17, 2009. All the prongs headed towards the nerve centre resting within the critical triangle of Srarogha-Ladha-Makin within SW inhabited by Mehsuds. The myth that SW had never been overwhelmed by foreign forces was broken by the Pak Army.
Like in Swat where the militants armory was filled to the brim by foreign agencies based in Kabul, TTP in SW had also been furnished sophisticated weapons and equipment in huge quantity. Despite the advantage of fighting guerrilla war on home ground, the militants were uprooted in a month’s time and order was restored. These major operations broke the back of TTP and it remained in disarray for next one year. Hard hitting operations were also launched in Mehmand, Kurram and Orakzai Agencies in 2010. Fazlullah, Maulvi Faqir Muhammad commanding TTP Bajaur chapter and Omar Khalid Khurasani heading TTP Mehmand chapter along with their men slipped into neighboring Kunar and Nuristan. Hakimullah Mehsud took refuge in Paktika, while the militants fled to neighboring tribal agencies. After failing to convert upper Orakzai Agency into main base for the TTP, Hakimullah regrouped TTP with the help of his patrons in Kabul and converted Miranshah in North Waziristan (NW) into main base of TTP. Knowing that he was a marked man, he kept changing his abodes and never spent more than six hours at one place.
While Fazlullah and Khurasani are still based in Kunar and are involved in cross border terrorism in Bajaur, Mehmand, Dir and Chitral, Faqir is in Kabul. Fazlullah and Khurasani are fully supported by Afghan intelligence and RAW. Western front is purposely kept heated up by Afghanistan to force Pakistan to mount an operation in NW, declared as the safe haven of anti-US militants led by Haqqani network. The US stealth raid in Abbottabad on May 2, 2011 followed by attack on Salala border post in Mehmand Agency on November 26, 2011, in which 24 soldiers died was a sequel to Kayani’s refusal to pull out additional troops from eastern border and to further stretch out particularly after he had to deploy additional regular troops in Mehmand and Bajaur agencies for the first time in September 2011 to counter the threat from across the western border.
Kayani was instrumental in convincing PM Gilani to close down Shamsi airbase, block NATO supply lines, repatriate US-UK military trainers, cancel all military related meetings, visits and courses, stay out of Bonn conference, ask for an unconditional apology and an assurance that such a blatant act would not be repeated. It was under such adverse circumstances that Kayani was given three year extension. Kayani reluctantly accepted extension, but he made sure that the government agreed to promote and post the senior most Lt Gen serving as his CGS, Gen Shameem Wyne as CJSC. In 2013, the TTP in alliance with Lashkar-e-Islam opened another formidable front in Tirah where the Army took several months to clear the position in June.
Besides internal and external threats, Gen Kayani had to put up with a highly corrupt coalition government whose loyalty to the State was often questioned. While PPP and MQM was NRO cleansed, ANP leader Azam Hoti has recently disclosed that ANP’s leader Asfandyar Wali had accepted bribe from the US in June 2008 to toe its line. MQM leader Altaf Hussain had written a letter to British PM Tony Blair in September 2001 that his party’s services were at his disposal. Hussain Haqqani, ambassador to USA was involved in memo scandal and it is assumed that he couldn’t have sent the anti-Pakistan memo to Admiral Mullen without the blessing of top leadership of PPP. On one hand the soldiers fought the anti-State militants resolutely and over 5000 sacrificed their lives to safeguard the integrity of the motherland, on the other hand the politicians and bureaucrats kept filling their coffers with ill-gotten wealth and chipped the foundations of the country.
To make matters worse for the Army, foreign media in league with segment of Pakistani media left no stone unturned to soil the image of the Army and to discredit Kayani. Some said as to why he accepted extension in service; others coaxed and provoked him to throw out the gang of thieves destroying the country and capture power to save the country from drowning. Extensive pressure was built on him from mid 2012 onwards and when he refused to oblige them despite several lucrative opportunities coming his way, he was belittled for being a sissy. He remained committed to his pledge of supporting democracy even when PM Gilani sacked Secretary Defence Lt Gen Lodhi and passed strong remarks against the Army in reaction to affidavits submitted by Kayani and Pasha concerning memo scandal. The Army extended full support in holding elections in May 2013 and in smooth transition of power for the first time. Kayani has a hand in enabling the PPP government to complete its full tenure.
Hoping that third-time elected Nawaz would live up to his reputation of locking horns with Army chiefs, when nothing of the sort happened, stories were spread that Kayani was seeking yet another extension or wanted to become CJDS with extended powers. In the wake of Kayani’s opinion that the biggest threat to integrity of Pakistan was internal threat, when Nawaz started lobbying for dialogue with militants and APC gave a unanimous decision to hold talks unconditionally, Kayani backed the peace process. Chirping tongues stopped cheeping only when Kayani gave a categorical statement last month that he would retire at the appointed date. Bitten many times by the generals, Nawaz Sharif realizes that Kayani is time-tested and dependable. He is seriously thinking how to make good use of Kayani’s services.
Amidst ongoing controversy whether Hakimullah Mehsud killed by a drone on October 31 was a martyr or otherwise, JI leader Munawar Hassan further heated up the political temperature by giving an irrational and unethical statement on November 10th that Hakimullah Mehsud and militants who were killed by drones or by security forces were all martyrs and soldiers who had died in combat were not Shuhuda. His utterance has hurt Kayani, all ranks of Army and next of kin of Shuhuda. An unconditional apology has rightly been sought by the Army from him. Hassan’s effort to please the TTP should not be at the cost of Army which has stood like a rock between the ruthless killers and people of Pakistan and has rendered huge sacrifices for the defence of the motherland. Earlier he renders an apology or corrects himself better will it be for him and his party since overwhelming majority has denounced his unpalatable statement.
General Kayani would be well remembered for his cool and cigarettes for he is a chain smoker. His farewell to arms has come at a very crucial time in Pakistan’s history.
Posted by admin in PAKISTAN'S ENEMIES on November 10th, 2013
Prior to and during general election campaign in 2013, the TTP militants stepped up attacks against pro-US and anti-Taliban liberal political parties and spared the conservative parties like PML-N, PTI, JUI and JI that were soft towards the Taliban and were desirous of peace talks to end the war. When liberal parties excepting MQM were routed in May 11 elections and PML-N formed governments in the centre and Punjab and coalition government in Balochistan and PTI led the coalition government in Khyber Pakhtunkhwa (KP), apparently the ground looked leveled for talks between the government and TTP. However, death of pro-peace Waliur Rahman, deputy of Hakeemullah Mehsud, along with his six close companions by a drone on May 30 vitiated the atmosphere. It was a setback for the pro-talks elements within TTP and for the government since it further hardened the stance of anti-peace hardliners in TTP led by Hakimullah to avenge Wali’s death.
Nawaz Sharif’s offer of talks to the militants sharpened the division between pro and anti-peace elements within TTP. When TTP spokesman Ehsanullah Ehsan, Punjabi Taliban leader Asmatullah Muawia and Khan Said, alias Sajna who had replaced Wali as Hakimullah’s deputy welcomed Nawaz’s offer of dialogue, Hakimullah in a huff sacked them. He replaced Sajna with Latif Mehsud, but none complied with his orders, which indicated his loosening grip.
Nawaz government realizing that economic health of the country couldn’t be revitalized without peaceful conditions organized APC on September 9, 2013 to push the peace process. Much to the chagrin of anti-peace lobbies, the APC passed a unanimous resolution seeking dialogue with the militants without pre-conditions. Positive response from the TTP welcoming the outcome of APC gave reason to believe that chances of peace talks had brightened. Encouraged by TTP’s friendly gestures, the KP government on September 14 announced withdrawal of troops from Upper Dir, Malakand and Buner but the euphoria dashed on the following day when Fazlullah led men killed Maj Gen Sanaullah Niazi and two other soldiers with IED in Upper Dir and TTP jubilantly claimed responsibility.
Soon after, a church was attacked by two suicide bombers in Peshawar, followed by a bomb blast in a bus carrying government employees, terrorist attack in Kissa Khawani and murder of PTI MPA. Notwithstanding that the TTP disowned these attacks, the incidents did rattle the peace process and gave heart to anti-peace brigade to censure PML-N and PTI for advocating talks with anti-Pakistan forces. They said that Khurasani led group and Jundullah group which claimed attacks on church and on Kissa Khawani respectively are parts of TTP. Their argument became weighty when TTP spokesman stated that from Shariah point of view, attacks were not illegal.
The TTP further complicated matters by coming out with pre-conditions. It demanded release of prisoners, withdrawal of Army from FATA and cessation of drone attacks before ceasefire and negotiations. Of all the issues, drone became the main bone of contention. Ceased with this problem, Nawaz raised this issue during his address to the UN General Assembly in end September and also during his meeting with Obama on October 23. Although Obama didn’t give any firm commitment but he assured him that the US would support peace dialogue. This was interpreted as an assurance that no drone attack would take place during the talk’s process. Interior Minister Ch Nisar doubled his efforts to achieve a breakthrough and according to him a delegation of three Ulema acceptable to both sides was to fly to North Waziristan (NW) at 10 a.m. on 01 November to hold talks with TTP delegation the same evening and all modalities had been tied up. Hakimullah had agreed to hold talks and had come to his village in NW to tie up final details of the planned meeting.
However, on October 31, Hakimullah who carried USA’s $ 5 million head bounty was killed by a drone in his newly constructed house in Danda Darpakhel close to Miranshah. Both Nisar and Imran consider the drone attack as murder of peace process and hold the US responsible for it. JUI-F, JI and other religious groups are also of the same view and maintain that the US is not a friend of Pakistan and is against peace talks. They have asked for reviewing relations with USA. Imran went a step ahead by stating that if the government failed to come out with proper strategy to deal with American vandalism, his government in KP would halt NATO supplies through Torkham. His party says that US aid has reduced Pakistan to a slave country and it is time to get rid of this fatal addiction. Pro-talks parties are urging the government to redouble efforts to start peace process to foil designs of the enemies.
The Acting Chief of TTP Shura Asmatullah Shaheen Bhittani and TTP spokesman Shahidullah have stated that no talks will be held with the puppet government beholden to USA and threatened that Hakimullah’s death will be avenged since the attack couldn’t have materialized without government’s connivance and provision of ground intelligence. They said so in the backdrop of confirmed reports of Musharraf and Zardari regimes secretly colluding with the US in drone war. But most fingers are pointing at arrested Latif Mehsud, or pro-peace elements within TTP. PML-N could become the future leading target of TTP, alleged to have played a double game and betrayed the trust.
Gen Musharraf and anti-peace brigade have rejoiced the death of Hakimullah. They say that a serial killer has ultimately been dispatched to hell. They are criticizing Nisar and Imran for their overreaction and those giving status of Shaheed to Hakimullah whose hands were drenched in blood of thousands of innocent people. They are also highlighting dangerous implications arising out of halting of supply lines and breakup of relations with USA at a time when Pakistan’s economy is gasping for life. The PPP, MQM and ANP have opposed KP government’s resolution to block supply lines after 20th. A visible split has emerged on the issue of blockage of supply lines.
Some are of the view that Hakimullah’s death may help in removing differences and in unifying militants. However, split has occurred within TTP ranks which may widen. Apart from the altercation between pro-peace and anti-peace talks in which the balance is tilted heavily towards the former, the TTP took one week to elect the new chief. The leading contenders were Maulana Fazlullah, Hafiz Saeed Khan (leader of TTP chapter Orakzai Agency), Maulana Gul Zaman from Orakzai tribe (TTP Ameer in Khyber Agency), Khan Said and Khurasani. Although Khan Said has a bigger following among tribal chiefs in South and North Waziristan and is pro-talks, however, Fazlullah who is the most aggressive and ruthless TTP leader among them has been nominated as the new chief of TTP and Sheikh Khalid Haqqani as his deputy. His election has changed the whole scenario.
Hakimullah was targeted by CIA after obtaining ground intelligence under the premise that his death would be widely hailed in Pakistan and that the US would have another scalp in its bag to brag about. CIA had a personal score to settle since Hakimullah had masterminded the deadly suicide attack against CIA Camp in Khost in December 2009 in which seven CIA agents were killed. With only one year left in ISAF’s pullout from Afghanistan and with mounting world pressure against use of drones, the US seem to be in a hurry to eliminate all the high profile terrorists on both sides of the Durand Line. Hakimullah was useful to USA and its allies as long as he was fighting Pak security forces and playing no role in war within Afghanistan. The moment he got inclined to peace talks, he turned from a good guy into a bad guy and was bumped off at a time when peace process in Pakistan was about to take off. His death is a reminder to prospective TTP leaders to do as told to do or else be-prepared for a horrible death.
Hakimullah’s death and Latif’s arrest are losses for dwindling Karzai regime and to India since the two were helping Indo-Afghan covert war to keep the western border, FATA and KP in turmoil. However, Fazlullah’s appointment as Ameer of TTP must have delighted Afghanistan and India since he has been following their instructions devotedly. Possibility of the two countries having played a role in Fazlullah’s selection cannot be ruled out. I have a hunch that he may preside over the disintegration of TTP.
Irrespective of the October 31 incident and impediments created by anti-talks lobbies, option of dialogue must be pursued. Political and religious leaders as well as Army and ISI must be on one page and all should jointly evolve a realistic strategy for conducting negotiations with TTP. Hope of a breakthrough with Fazlullah at the helms of affairs seems impossible. Current flux within TTP should be exploited by wooing and winning over pro-talks groups and isolating hardliners remote controlled by Fazlullah from Kunar. Selection of runaway Fazlullah as TTP chief fully in the grip of several foreign agencies and ignoring those who have preferred to stay within the battle zone should also be exploited. Till Fazlullah’s elevation, none from outside FATA had worn the crown. Out of four Ameers, three were from Mehsud tribe and one from Wazir tribe. While it will be problematic for Fazlullah to assert his authority over more than 50 groups operating under the wings of TTP, the Mehsuds in particular may sooner than later replace Fazlullah with another leader from their tribe.
Law enforcing and intelligence agencies must be prepared to counter upsurge in revengeful acts of terror during Muharram abetted by CIA-RAW-CDS nexus. Sudden rise in target killings in Karachi on 6 September by a militant wing of a political party is a warning call that coming days will witness increase in terrorism. Punjab government should also be prepared to face the onslaught of TTP in the wake of warning sounded by Bhittani that Punjab will be their primary target. It will be difficult for NW based TTP groups to target Punjab but easier for Punjabi Taliban to do so. GHQ should give finishing touches to their contingency plan of launching a major operation in NW to flush out anti-Pakistan groups.
The writer is a retired Brig and a defence analyst. Email:[email protected]
© 2024, All Rights Reserved by Pakistan Think Tank.
