Our Announcements

Not Found

Sorry, but you are looking for something that isn't here.

Posts Tagged Liar Nawaz Kargil Bhagora

WHY IS NAWAZ SHARIF CALLED THE COWARD OF KARGIL?PMLN LIES ABOUT KARGIL WAR.EVEN INDIANS CALLED IT DEFEAT

WHY IS NAWAZ SHARIF CALLED THE COWARD OF KARGIL ?

KARGIL WAR WAS A VICTORY FOR

PAKISTAN ARMY,EVEN FROM INDIAN ARMY’S INQUIRY

 

PMLN thrives on lies, to make them credible, they repeat the same lies over and over again. Another ploy to protect their lies,is that they send Jiyalas like Pervez Rashid, Saad Rafiq, Abid Sher Ali, Khwaja Asif. Shahid Khaqan Abbasi  to defend the lies in the Media. In this effort GEO, is in the forefront. Across the Border,Indian Media is Hoarse About the Great Victories of Indian Armies in Kaargil. Except, the Truth About Indian Army slipped out from their own Press Release that they were running out of coffins for their dead soldiers and had ordered over 4,500 caskets from US. Gen.Pervez Musharraf  had the moral courage to go in front of the most vicious Indian TV Channels and like a momin Musalman Challenged the Indian lies about the Kargil War. Pakistani nation should be proud to have avesged at least partially, the loss of E.Pakistan, by proving the vulnerability and incompetence of Indian Army,which had to cashier out of Indian Army Several Generals,including the Corp Commander of the INDIAN ARMY’S XV CORP

QUOTE FROM INDIAN ARMY INQUIRY ON KARGIL LOSSES IN RESPECTED

INDIAN MAGAZINE OUTLOOK

“The Point 5353 fiasco is just one of several examples of the complete absence of strategic thought that preceded the Kargil war, and evidently proceeded apace thereafter. None has, however, been punished for these errors. Aul has received a plum posting in the Andaman and Nicobar Islands, as have his subordinates. Major-General V.S. Budhwar, responsible for many of the tactical errors that led to the Kargil war, has faced no form of censure. Neither has the then 15 Corps Commander, Kishan Pal, who insisted until late May that the Pakistan intrusion was “local and would be contained locally”. Only one official of any consequence, then 121 Brigade Commander Surinder Singh, has faced disciplinary action.

That some 30 court martial proceedings are pending against officers of the rank of Major and below illustrates just who the Indian army establishment has chosen to make scapegoats of. Documents to which Frontline has access make clear that responsibility for events lies higher.[Frontline]

– See more at: http://pragmatic.nationalinterest.in/2009/08/13/the-questions-from-kargil/#sthash.Yaq5RmSQ.dpuf

KARGIL WAS A BIG SUCCESS FOR PAKISTAN: MUSHARRAF

Nawaz Sharif is mainly responsible for spreading the rumour, that FCNA was losing at Kargil. He keeps harping the same tune, even, though some Indian generals have reluctantly accepted it as a defeat of Indian Army. But, this coward leaves no opportunity to bad mouth Kargil victory.  Nawaz Sharif is an enemy of Pakistan. He puts his own interests above national interests. He felt threatened by Pakistan Army’s spectacular victory in Kargil War. Cowardly, Kashmiri turncoat Nawaz Sharif was shocked by success of Pakistan;s Mujahedin of FCNA, who caused 3000 Indian Army Casualties, including the loss of two planes, death of one IAF Pilot and capture of Indian Pilot Lt.Nachikita by Pak Army. Being a US CIA Agent Nwaz was afraid that Musharraf and the Army would get all the glory, he ran to his patron President Clinton.

 

Nawaz Sharif, the Coward of Kargil,  has desecrated the Sacrifices of Northern Light Regiment,formerly FCNA.He has mocked the bravery of soldiers from Gilgit and Hunza who bloodied the noses of two plus Indian Army Corps and provided a decisive victory to Pakistan Army. And most importantly created a morbid fear in the hearts of Indian Army and Political Establishment,not to take on Pakistan Armed Forces and the Pakistani nation.

Unknown-7 
 

Islamabad: Claiming that his 1999 Kargil operation was a “big success militarily”, former Pakistani president Pervez Musharraf has said that if the then prime minister Nawaz Sharif had not visited the US, the Pakistani Army would have “conquered” 300 square miles of India.  

He defended his action to launch the operation in Kargil in the wake of fresh allegations that he masterminded the intrusions.  Referring to Lt Gen (retired) Shahid Aziz’s allegations that he had kept other military commanders in the dark about the operation, Musharraf said, “Telling everyone about it was not necessary at all”.  He claimed Aziz had an “imbalanced personality” and had resorted to character assassination by making these accusations. 

 

“We lost the Kargil war, which was a big success militarily, because of (then premier) Nawaz Sharif…If he had not visited the US, we would have conquered 300 square miles of India,” Musharraf said in an interview with Express News channel.  Though Pakistan had initially claimed mujahideen were responsible for occupying strategic heights along the Line of Control in early 1999, Musharraf later revealed in his autobiography ‘In The Line Of Fire’ that regular Army troops had participated in the operation.  But Musharraf claimed the action in Kargil was a “localised” operation and not a major operation.  “Kargil was just one of many sectors under a Major General stationed in Gilgit, (who was) in charge of the area. Exchange of fire was routine there,” he claimed. Musharraf said he would not go so far as to accuse former premier Nawaz Sharif of betrayal but his decision to withdraw from Kargil was a mistake. (Musharraf still showed decency towards,Nawaz Sharif and did not expose the whole story of betrayal by PM)

 

Unknown-2“Nawaz lost a political front which we had won militarily,” he claimed.  The former general, who has been living in self-exile outside Pakistan since 2009, said the “prime consideration” for actions like the Kargil operation is security and secrecy.  “So the Army leadership decides who is to be informed and when. As the operation progressed and the proper time arrived, a briefing of the corps commanders was held,” he said.  Musharraf said he was “really astonished” that Aziz was writing about the events 10 years later.  Blaming the nation at this juncture, as Aziz had done, seems to be “part of a conspiracy”, he claimed.  “It was a tactical action that had a strategic importance in which no more than a few hundred persons were involved, but which engaged thousands on the Indian side and was of tremendous importance,” he claimed.  Musharraf justified Pakistani casualties in the conflict, claiming the country lost only 270 men against India’s 1,600 soldiers. 

 
Courtesy Press Trust of India

INDIAN VIEWPOINT: NEVER CALL A DEFEAT, A DEFEAT

EYEBALL TO EYEBALL   JULY 1999

By Rashed Rahman

India has to mask its initial intelligence failure by regaining the peaks regardless of heavy casualties. Both sides need a face-saving way out. Since early May there has been a see-saw military, political and diplomatic struggle between the two Subcontinental protagonists, Pakistan and India. Islamabad’s position has been that the guerrillas who have captured the heights overlooking the Drass-Kargil-Leh road, are Kashmiri freedom fighters struggling for their long-denied right of self-determination. 

 
 

India eventually decided, after examining the pros and cons of widening the conflict across the Line of Control (LoC) or even across the international border, on a strategy of containment within the narrower objective of regaining the Kargil heights. This narrower framework meant higher casualties on the Indian side because of the difficulty of traversing slopes against dug-in defenders where the terrain offers no cover. New Delhi calculated that it does have the political will and military morale, despite the heavy casualties, and can sustain the cost in human and material terms. A near-consensus domestically and the willingness of the Indian military command to accept constraints allowed India to continue with an operation in which it suffered disproportionately heavy casualties. With regard to Pakistan, the intriguing question is whether the Kargil heights seizure was part of the normal stepping up of guerrilla activity during summer, or whether it had more ambitious objectives. If it were the former, little can be added, except to mention in passing a failure of Indian intelligence. The guerrillas’ presence was only discovered by accident when two Indian army patrols happened to spot them. The true extent of the guerrilla presence did not sink in until the Indian army had carried out an aerial survey of the area, which revealed that between 400 to 700 guerrillas had seized the heights. This could have put them in a position in any future war to threaten the sole overland logistics link with the Indian forces deployed in Siachen, i.e. the Srinagar-Drass-Kargil-Leh road. But the Kargil seizure could have other strategic objectives with military, political and diplomatic dimensions. Militarily, if the seizure could be maintained for a reasonable period of time and at least until winter sets in, it could open up possibilities of forcing either an Indian withdrawal from Siachen, or a trade-off between the Kargil heights and the Siachen Glacier. Politically, it could reflect the impatience in Islamabad with lack of progress in bilateral discussions on Kashmir under the Lahore Declaration process after the fall of the BJP government in end-April. Despite the fact that Prime Minister Atal Behari Vajpayee of India heads a caretaker government until elections are held in September-October, the hope may have been to force New Delhi back to the negotiating table in a serious mode. Diplomatically, since the bilateral process had not yielded results, an internationalisa-tion of the Kashmir issue may have been sought to bring it back onto the frontburner. If we assume for the sake of argument that all or some of these objectives formed part of the Pakistani thrust into Kargil, or at least were taken on board once things hotted up on the Line of Control, we can examine the results achieved or likely to be achieved in the foreseeable future and then draw up a balance sheet of gains and losses. Missing Kashmir for Kargil Militarily, the inherent difficulty of holding on to the Kargil heights in the face of overwhelming firepower and numbers has become a key question as the battle drags on. India has weighed the costs of heavy casualties against the bigger costs of potentially adverse international intervention if the conflict is widened. It has relied on the political consensus to hold on to Kashmir no matter what the cost, which informs its domestic political spectrum (the weak and scattered chinks of rationality represented by liberal opinion notwithstanding). India’s slow but definite gains against the guerrillas have produced collateral pressures for a withdrawal of the guerrillas from what is turning into a suicidal mission. The political timing of the Kargil seizure, if the idea was indeed to force New Delhi back to serious negotiations, could not have been worse. A caretaker government heading into an election was hardly likely to be in a position to negotiate, let alone offer any flexibility or concession on such a major issue. There has been speculation in the Indian press after the visit to Pakistan by the US emissary General Anthony Zinni regarding proposals purportedly from Islamabad for India to allow safe passage to the guerrillas, quoting the precedent of the Hazrat Bal shrine siege. Whether these reports hold any water or not is not known. However, Western diplomatic pressure on Islamabad is mounting, especially after Prime Minister Nawaz Sharif’s visit to Washington DC and London, and these could take various forms, economic, political, diplomatic. The dependence of the Pakistani economy on the goodwill of the West, and particularly the US, to keep foreign fund flows going makes Pakistan that much more vulnerable to ‘persuasion’. It goes without saying that such ‘persuasion’ seeks to maintain the status quo on Kashmir, while advocating peaceful negotiations. Pakistan’s experience indicates that retaining the status quo has always proved favourable to India. Any disturbance of New Delhi’s hold on Kashmir, even if partial or temporary, serves to refocus the attention of the global community on a long-neglected, festering wound. 

,

No Comments


Skip to toolbar