Pakistan: the army and the civil administration – a looming crisis? Part 1
“The Pakistani Army is defending the integrity of all state institutions, preserving its dignity and institutional honor at a time when the country is facing internal and external challenges,” Chief of Army Staff General Raheel Sharif stated in “response to the military’s concern about the undue criticism of the army in the recent days”.These statements made by the General on April 7, 2014 at the Special Service Group Headquarters in the Ghazi Military Base located in the Tarbela region of the Khyber Pakhtunkhwa province have led to mixed reactions within society.
The very fact that the highest military officer addressed a message to the ruling administration is without precedent. Various Pakistani media have openly begun discussing a new crisis in the relationship between the civil administration and the generals; their relationship has already been uneasy in the recent months due to a number of issues. However, the reason for openly warning the federal administration was the decision issued by the Special Court on March 31, 2014 which accused the country’s former president and retired General (former Special Forces) Pervez Musharraf of high treason. This crime carries the death penalty.
The generals intended to demand an explanation. A few days prior to the decision, a meeting was scheduled for April 1, 2014, between the Prime Minister, General Raheel Sharif and the Inter-Services Intelligence (ISI) Chief Director General Lt. General Zaheer ul-Islam. However, the Prime Minister declined to attend the meeting due to “being extremely busy”. The army was always one of the centers of influence within Pakistan’s political system. As of today, there are three centers of influence: the federal government and the National Assembly (the lower house of parliament), the opposition (the minority in the National Assembly and the majority in the Senate (the upper house of parliament)) and the generals.
The relationship between the generals and the civil administration has always been strained throughout Pakistan’s short history. The military has taken power four times, with the previous coup taking place in 1999. Then Chief of Army Staff General Pervez Musharraf overthrew Nawaz Sharif from his post as Prime Minister (February 1997 to October 1999). The coup was followed by a trial for the former premier, an official sentence of high treason, political exile in 2001 and the return of Nawaz Sharif back to Pakistan only at the end of 2007.
In May of 2013, the Pakistan Muslim League (Nawaz) headed by Nawaz won the parliamentary elections for the third time and Muhammad Nawaz Sharif thus took up the post of Prime Minister. During the formation of the cabinet in May-June 2013, Nawaz filled key positions in the government with members from his own party. The post of defense minister was given to a civilian, which breached military traditions. However, as early as August of 2013, the new Finance Minister Ishaq Dar swiftly reassured the generalship that, despite economic difficulties, “the country’s defense will remain the government’s priority”.
Without forgetting his previous strained relations with the general’s office, Nawaz Sharif was not too quick to appoint a new Chief of Army Staff. He was waiting for November 28, 2013, when General Ashfaq Parvez Kayani would complete his term in office as Chief of Army Staff and on November 29, 2013, Nawaz appointed General Raheel Sharif to the now vacant post. As with Pervez Musharraf’s case in 1998, in 2013, Nawaz Sharif also followed his personal preferences and, as such, violated long-standing military tradition of promoting generals along the career ladder. This led to certain dissatisfaction within the military. However, Nawaz was primarily depending on the general’s support.
The sentence for Pervez Musharraf caused a tidal wave of outrage, which simply gained momentum as time went on. Statements that the court’s decision should be carried out swiftly came from various MPs, members of the Pakistan Muslim League (N), in particular, Defense Minister Khawaja Asif, whose criticism was also further supported by Federal Minister for Railways Khawaja Saad Rafique. The army voiced its support for their former chief. We can only speculate as to the meaning behind the general’s “undue criticism” – has Musharraf’s trial been blatantly politicized, is Musharraf receiving a just trial, and so forth.
There are several overt reasons for the army’s dissatisfaction with the current civil administration (besides the Musharraf case). One of the main reasons is the process of peaceful negotiations between the administration and the prohibited terrorist organization Tehrik-i-Taliban Pakistan (TTP). In December of 2013 on the first day of negotiations, General Raheel Sharif emphasized the government’s full support and agreed, for a time, to halt military operations against the militants in various regions where Pashtun tribes reside on the Afghanistan border. However, he also noted that he will not tolerate any terrorist attacks and will react to any attacks swiftly and effectively.
Yet in February of 2014, armed clashes with TTP militants in the Mohmand Agency led to the death of 23 federal army officers. The government was quick to accuse the army of being the first to use force during the days of negotiations. The generals then stated their demands – a ceasefire beginning on April 1, 2014 (which has been breached by the militants multiple times). The army’s discontent led to the government’s decision to free 16 arrested TTP militants. Henceforth, all failures during negotiations and any breach of the ceasefire were blamed on the army.
Pakistan: the army and the civil administration – a looming crisis? Part II
The public statement by Chief of Army Staff General Raheel Sharif defending the army’s honor and dignity during a time of internal and external challenges to Pakistan has caused a wave of criticisms by the opposition parties. The Leader of the Opposition in the National Assembly Syed Khursheed Shah has stated that the country cannot afford a dictatorship and a judiciary that “accidentally takes the life of an individual”.
The dissatisfaction exhibited by the Pakistan National Party, one of the main political opponents to the ruling party, is caused by several issues: the premier’s authoritarian methods; ignoring the opinion of the opposition in the National Assembly; the desire to review the 18th Amendment to the Constitution (2010), which grants the provinces significant powers; the politics of Punjab-izing the country (extensive infrastructure investment projects are implemented primarily in the Sharif clan’s home Punjab province) and others.
The Pakistan National Party saw their own pillar of support within the statement made by General Raheel Sharif and, at the same time, a warning to the premier and his entourage. However, they did not openly confront the Pakistan Muslim League (N). In answering the question of whether his party was with the army or with the Pakistan Muslim League (N) party, Leader of the Opposition in the National Assembly Syed Khursheed Shah stated that “his party is with the masses”.
The Pakistan National Party used the strain in the relations between the generals and the ruling administration to their own advantage; for example, within a very short period of time, they were able to push to have joint discussions of the draft Protection of Pakistan Bill in the National Assembly, which is aimed at reassessing provincial rights. It is very rare that Pakistani military make such public statements. On November 5, 2012, then Chief of Army Staff General Ashfaq Parvez Kayani “had warned detractors of military against undermining the institution and behaving as the ‘sole arbiters’ of national interest”.
General Raheel Sharif’s statement also caused a mix of responses within the military. A formula to normalize the relations between the generals and the ruling civil administration was offered by former Army Chief and retired General Mirza Aslam Beg (August 1988 – August 1991),
“1. The criminal trial accusing General Pervez Musharraf of high treason must be stopped and the General needs to be allowed to leave the country.
2. The Pakistan Electronic Media Regulatory Authority shall guarantee that no television channel will broadcast any statements that undermine the army’s prestige.
3. Ministers and politicians should be forbidden from publicly criticizing the army and making statements against people who have defended this country with their own life”.
Mirza Beg believes that the “situation will normalize in no time if the government acted in light of his suggestions. Otherwise, the generals will be doing the same thing that was done by General El-Sisi in Egypt.” The former Chief of Army Staff is certain that the country’s constitution “would not be able to block a military intervention if the rulers do not give the army its due respect”. The statement suggesting the censorship of the media with respect to army activities has led to contradicting opinions in society.
The “culprit” behind these tensions was soon found and the conflict was resolved before it could heat up further. The Ministry of Defense sent a written notice to the Pakistan Electronic Media Regulatory Authority (PEMRA) administration stating that the Geo News channel has breached PEMRA provisions by broadcasting a report that was offensive to government institutions, bringing bad publicity to the ISI, by which the channel damaged national interests; the administration was urged to shut the channel down and revoke its license. On April 22, 2014, the regulatory authority demanded an answer from the channel before May 6, 2014.
Nawaz Sharif did not externally show any fear after General Raheel Sharif’s statement, however, he was quick to secure support from the opposition and met with his long-time main political opponent Asif Ali Zardari. His clan heads the Pakistan National Party which holds a majority in the upper house of parliament. However, the Pakistan National Party, in trying to avoid any conflicts with the military, was also quick to state that “It should be seen as the democratic forces standing united to strengthen institutions. It should not be taken as against an institution or institutions.”
Many people in Pakistan believe that the crisis in the relations between the generals and the civil administration will not be developing along the route of curtailing democratic gains. Nawaz Sharif’s stance also heavily influences the resolution of this crisis. Will he retire Defense Minister Khawaja Asif and instead hand the post over to the army leadership or will he continue on his present course? Nawaz Sharif is also not very keen on confrontations. At the invitation of the general’s office, the Prime Minister arrived to the PNS Akram military base where he stated that the political and military leaders are working jointly to make Pakistan a developed, safe and peaceful country: “we will work jointly to overcome the challenges being faced by the country”.
It would seem that the civil administration and the generals will, in the future, take steps to avoid confrontation. As of today, the open opposition between the Prime Minister and the Chief of Army Staff has been neutralized. However, the military has issued a warning and the army still retains the means to influence the civil administration.
Natalia Zamarayeva, PhD in History, Senior Research Fellow, Department of Pakistan at the Institute of Oriental Studies in the Russian Academy of Sciences, exclusively for the online magazine “New Eastern Outlook”.
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