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Archive for category WAR AGAINST PAKISTAN &/OR ISLAM

Top 10 Unproven Claims for War Against Syria

Top 10 Unproven Claims for War Against Syria

Secretary of State John Kerry made the case to Congress this week, but the questions not asked and the answers not given speak volumes.In the lead-up to the Iraq War, I researched, wrote and circulated a document to members of Congress which explored unanswered questions and refuted President Bush’s claim for a cause for war. The document detailed how there was no proof Iraq was connected to 9/11 or tied to al Qaeda’s role in 9/11, that Iraq neither had WMDs nor was it a threat to the U.S., lacking intention and capability to attack. Unfortunately, not enough members of Congress performed due diligence before they approved the war.

Here are some key questions which President Obama has yet to answer in the call for congressional approval for war against Syria. This article is a call for independent thinking and congressional oversight, which rises above partisan considerations.

The questions the Obama administration needs to answer before Congress can even consider voting on Syria:

Claim #1. The administration claims a chemical weapon was used.

The UN inspectors are still completing their independent evaluation.

Who provided the physiological samples of sarin gas on which your evaluation is based? Were any other non-weaponized chemical agents discovered or sampled?

Who from the United States was responsible for the chain of custody?

Where was the laboratory analysis conducted?

Were U.S. officials present during the analysis of the samples? Does your sample show military grade or lower grade sarin gas?

Can you verify that your sample matches the exact composition of the alleged Syrian government composition?

Further reading: Brown Moses blog; McClatchy News report; Global Research report.

Claim #2: The administration claims the opposition has not used chemical weapons.

Which opposition?

Are you speaking of a specific group, or all groups working in Syria to overthrow President Assad and his government?

Has your administration independently and categorically dismissed the reports of rebel use of chemical weapons which have come from such disparate sources as Russia, the United Nations, and the Turkish state newspaper?

Have you investigated the rumors that the Saudis may have supplied the rebels with chemicals that could be weaponized?

Has the administration considered the ramifications of inadvertently supporting al Qaeda-affiliated Syrian rebels?

Was any intelligence received in the last year by the U.S. government indicating that sarin gas was brought into Syria by rebel factions, with or without the help of a foreign government or intelligence agents?

Further reading: Global Research reportWall Street Journal article; Reuters story; Zamanstory (in Turkish — see Google translate from Turkish to English); Atlantic Sentinel story; APstory

Claim #3: The administration claims chemical weapons were used because the regime’s conventional weapons were insufficient

Who is responsible for the conjecture that the reason chemical weapons were used against the Damascus suburbs is that Assad’s conventional weapons were insufficient to secure “large portions of Damascus”?

Claim #4: The administration claims to have intelligence relating to the mixing of chemical weapons by regime elements

Who saw the chemical weapons being mixed from August 18th on?

Was any warning afforded to the Syria opposition and if not, why not?

If, on August 21st a “regime element” was preparing for a chemical weapons attack, has an assessment been made which could definitively determine whether such preparation (using gas masks) was for purpose of defense, and not offense?

Further reading: McClatchy report; Brown Moses blog

Claim #5: The administration claims intelligence that Assad’s brother ordered the attack

What is the type of and source of intelligence which alleges that Assad’s brother personally ordered the attack?

Who made the determination that Assad’s brother ordered the attack, based on which intelligence, from what source?

Further reading: here

Claim #6: The administration claims poison gas was released in a rocket attack

Who was tracking the rocket and the artillery attack which preceded the poison gas release?

Did these events occur simultaneously or consecutively?

Could these events, the rocket launches and the release of poison gas, have been conflated?

Based upon the evidence, is it possible that a rocket attack by the Syrian government was aimed at rebels stationed among civilians and a chemical weapons attack was launched by rebels against the civilian population an hour and a half later?

Is it possible that chemical weapons were released by the rebels — unintentionally?

Explain the 90-minute time interval between the rocket launch and chemical weapon attacks.

Has forensic evidence been gathered at the scene of the attack which would confirm the use of rockets to deliver the gas?

If there was a rocket launch would you supply evidence of wounds from the rockets impact and explosion?

What is the source of the government’s analysis?

If the rockets were being tracked via “geospatial intelligence,” what were the geospatial coordinates of the launching sites and termination locations?

Further reading: FAIR.org report

Claim #7: The administration claims 1,429 people died in the attack

Secretary Kerry claimed 1,429 deaths, including 426 children. From whom did that number first originate?

Further reading: McClatchy report

Claim #8: The administration has made repeated references to videos and photos of the attack as a basis for military action against Syria

When and where were the videos taken of the aftermath of the poison gas attack?

Further reading: FAIR.org report

Claim #9: The administration claims a key intercept proves the Assad regime’s complicity in the chemical weapons attack

Will you release the original transcripts in the language in which it was recorded as well as the translations relied upon to determine the nature of the conversation allegedly intercepted?

What is the source of this transcript? What was the exact time of the intercept? Was it a U.S. intercept or supplied from a non-U.S. source?

Have you determined the transcripts’ authenticity? Have you considered that the transcripts could have been doctored or fake?

Was the “senior official,” whose communications were intercepted, a member of Assad’s government?

How was he “familiar” with the offensive? Through a surprised acknowledgement that such an attack had taken place? Or through actual coordination of said attack? Release the transcripts!

Was he an intelligence asset of the U.S., or our allies? In what manner had he “confirmed” chemical weapons were used by the regime?

Who made the assessment that his intercepted communications were a confirmation of the use of chemical weapons by the regime on August 21st?

What is the source of information that the Syrian chemical weapons personnel were “directed to cease operations”?

Is this the same source who witnessed regime officials mixing the chemicals?

Does the transcript indicate whether the operations they were “directed to cease” were related to ceasing conventional or chemical attacks?

Will you release the transcripts and identify sources of this claim?

Do you have transcripts, eyewitness accounts or electronic intercepts of communications between Syrian commanders or other regime officials which link the CW attack directly to President Assad?

Who are the intelligence officials who made the assessment — are they U.S. intelligence officials or did the initial analysis come from a non-U.S. source?

Further reading: FAIR.org report and AP storyWashington Post editorial

Claim #10: The administration claims that sustained shelling occurred after the chemical weapons attack in order to cover up the traces of the attack

Please release all intelligence and military assessments as to the reason for the sustained shelling, which is reported to have occurred after the chemical weapons attack.

Who made the determination that was this intended to cover up a chemical weapon attack? Or was it to counterattack those who released chemicals?

How does shelling make the residue of sarin gas disappear?

Further reading: here

The American people have a right to a full release and vetting of all facts before their elected representatives are asked to make a decision of great consequence for America, Syria and the world. Congress must be provided answers prior to the vote, in open hearings, not in closed sessions where information can be manipulated in the service of war. We’ve been there before. It’s called Iraq.

Visit Dennis Kucinich’s website at www.KucinichAction.com

This work is licensed under a Creative Commons Attribution-Share Alike 3.0 License
Dennis Kucinich

Dennis Kucinich is former US Congressman and two-time presidential candidate from Ohio who served 16 years in the U.S. House of Representatives. Visit his website at KucinichAction. Follow him on Twitter: @Dennis_Kucinich

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ENCORE: US detention of Imran Khan part of trend to harass anti-drone advocates

The vindictive humiliation of Pakistan’s most popular politician shows the US government’s intolerance for dissent

 

    • Glenn Greenwald
    • theguardian.com, 
Imran Khan, head of Pakistan Tehreek-e-Insaf

Imran Khan, centre, chairman of Pakistan Tehreek-e-Insaf, with party’s supporters. He has led a high-profile campaign against US drone strikes. Photograph: A Majeed/AFP/Getty Images

Imran Khan is, according to numerous polls, the most popular politician in Pakistan and may very well be that country’s next Prime Minister. He is also a vehement critic of US drone attacks on his country, vowing toorder them shot down if he is Prime Minister and leading an anti-drone protest march last month.

On Saturday, Khan boarded a flight from Canada to New York in order to appear at a fundraising lunch and other events. But before the flight could take off, US immigration officials removed him from the plane and detained him for two hours, causing him to miss the flight. On Twitter, Khan reported that he was “interrogated on [his] views on drones” and then added: “My stance is known. Drone attacks must stop.” He thendefiantly noted: “Missed flight and sad to miss the Fundraising lunch in NY but nothing will change my stance.”

The State Department acknowledged Khan’s detention and said: “The issue was resolved. Mr Khan is welcome in the United States.” Customs and immigration officials refused to comment except to note that “our dual mission is to facilitate travel in the United States while we secure our borders, our people, and our visitors from those that would do us harm like terrorists and terrorist weapons, criminals, and contraband,” and added that the burden is on the visitor “to demonstrate that they are admissible” and “the applicant must overcome all grounds of inadmissibility.”

There are several obvious points raised by this episode. Strictly on pragmatic grounds, it seems quite ill-advised to subject the most popular leader in Pakistan – the potential next Prime Minister – to trivial, vindictive humiliations of this sort. It is also a breach of the most basic diplomatic protocol: just imagine the outrage if a US politician were removed from a plane by Pakistani officials in order to be questioned about their publicly expressed political views. And harassing prominent critics of US policy is hardly likely to dilute anti-US animosity; the exact opposite is far more likely to occur.

But the most important point here is that Khan’s detention is part of a clear trend by the Obama administration to harass and intimidate critics of its drone attacks. As Marcy Wheeler notes, “this is at least the third time this year that the US has delayed or denied entry to the US for Pakistani drone critics.”

Last May, I wrote about the amazing case of Muhammad Danish Qasim, a Pakistani student who produced a short film entitled “The Other Side”, which “revolves around the idea of assessing social, psychological and economical effects of drones on the people in tribal areas of Pakistan.” As he put it, “the film takes the audience very close to the damage caused by drone attacks” by humanizing the tragedy of civilian deaths and also documenting how those deaths are exploited by actual terrorists for recruitment purposes.

Qasim and his co-producers were chosen as the winner of the Audience Award for Best International Film at the 2012 National Film Festival For Talented Youth, held annually in Seattle, Washington. He intended to travel to the US to accept his award and discuss his film, but was twice denied a visa to enter the US, and thus was barred from making any appearances in the US.

The month prior, Shahzad Akbar – a Pakistani lawyer who represents drone victims in lawsuits against the US and the co-founder of the Pakistani human rights organization, Foundation for Fundamental Rights – was scheduled to speak at a conference on drones in Washington. He, too, was denied a visa, and the Obama administration relented only once an international outcry erupted.

There are two clear dynamics driving this. First, the US is eager to impose a price for effectively challenging its policies and to prevent the public – the domestic public, that is – from hearing critics with first-hand knowledge of the impact of those policies. As Wheeler asks, “Why is the government so afraid of Pakistanis explaining to Americans what the drone attacks look like from a Pakistani perspective?”

This form of intimidation is not confined to drone critics. Last April, Ireported on the serial harassment of Laura Poitras, the Oscar-nominated documentarian who produced two films – one from Iraq and the other from Yemen – that showed the views and perspectives of America’s adversaries in those countries. For four years, she was detained every single time she reentered the US, often having her reporters’ notebook and laptop copied and even seized. Although this all stopped once that article was published – demonstrating that there was never any legitimate purpose to it – that intimidation campaign against her imposed real limits on her work.

That is what this serial harassment of drone critics is intended to achieve. That is why a refusal to grant visas to prominent critics of US foreign policy was also a favorite tactic of the Bush administration.

Second, and probably even more insidious, this reflects the Obama administration’s view that critics of its drone policies are either terrorists or, at best, sympathetic to terrorists. Recall how the New York Times earlier this year – in an article describing a new report from the Bureau of Investigative Journalism documenting the targeting of Pakistani rescuers and funerals with US drones – granted anonymity to a “senior American counterterrorism official” to smear the Bureau’s journalists and its sources as wanting to “help al-Qaida succeed”.

For years, Bush officials and their supporters equated opposition to their foreign policies with support for the terrorists and a general hatred of and desire to harm the US. During the Obama presidency, many Democratic partisans have adopted the same lowly tactic with vigor.

That mindset is a major factor in this series of harassment of drone critics: namely, those who oppose the Obama administration’s use of drones are helping the terrorists and may even be terrorist sympathizers. It is that logic which would lead US officials to view Khan as some sort of national security threat by virtue of his political beliefs and perceive a need to drag him off a plane in order to detain and interrogate him about those views before allowing him entrance to the US.

What makes this most ironic is that the US loves to sermonize to the world about the need for open ideas and political debate. In April, Secretary of State Hillary Clinton lectured the planet on how “those societies that believe they can be closed to change, to ideas, cultures, and beliefs that are different from theirs, will find quickly that in our internet world they will be left behind,”

That she is part of the same government that seeks to punish and exclude filmmakers, students, lawyers, activists and politicians for the crime of opposing US policy is noticed and remarked upon everywhere in the world other than in the US. That demonstrates the success of these efforts: they are designed, above all else, to ensure that the American citizenry does not become exposed to effective critics of what the US is doing in the world.

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BRIG ASIF HAROON RAJA: War on terror ended to tackle titanic challenges

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PRE-WAR ON TERROR GLOBAL MAP

 

 

 

 

 

 

War on terror ended to tackle titanic challenges

Asif Haroon Raja

 

It takes lot of time and resources to produce a trained soldier and continuous efforts to keep him motivated to die for the defence of his country. Religion plays an important role in inculcating spirit of Jihad in a soldier. The military system however regulates this spirit and doesn’t let it go uncontrolled when not required. Throughout peacetime, soldiers are imparted rigorous training, their fighting skills are polished, and tactics taught how to outwit the enemy in the battlefield. They are told to keep honing their weapons, and to keep their equipment and vehicles in battle worthy condition. In addition to weapons and tactics training, regimental spirit de corps is inculcated in the soldiers through sports and training competitions and regimental past war history.

 

Since Jihad is integral to Islam and cannot be detached, regular religious sermons are given to keep the soldiers motivated and to prepare them mentally and physically to sacrifice their lives for the defence of motherland. Once the war breakout, Jihad is declared against the enemy. Control mechanisms are removed once the attacking force gets lined up for attack, or the aggressor tries to push its way through. With the cry of Allah 0 Akbar, battle of kill or get killed gets into motion. While those who perform well are decorated and respected, the Shaheeds are glorified and their next of kin hugely compensated. Their sacrifices are remembered each year on Yaum-e-Shuhada Day.  Those who turn yellow are looked down upon and are weeded out. 

 

There has been no major war with India since 1971 except for several military standoffs during which India itched to start a war but got restrained because of Pakistan’s nuclear and missiles capabilities and readiness of Pak armed forces to make its adventure extremely costly. Fourth war with nuclear overtones got narrowly averted during Kargil conflict in 1999. While Pakistan’s minimum nuclear deterrence has helped in thwarting Indo-Pak war for 42 years, Pakistan’s military remained immersed in another kind of war called ‘war on terror’ which has caused many times more fatalities than what it suffered during the three wars with India plus Rann of Katch and Kargil conflicts.  Civilian and military fatalities have reached up to 50,000.

 

The Army and paramilitary forces have been fighting a guerrilla war against highly motivated and fanatic home-grown militants in the northwest since 2003 without a break. Host of banned militant groups have come under the umbrella of TTP. In the southwest, paramilitary forces are up against Baloch rebels since 2004. The former pose as Islamists rejecting Pakistan’s constitution and democracy and desiring Shariah. They also aspire to establish Islamic caliphate in FATA. Conversely, the Baloch rebels are seculars who started insurgency in the name of socio-economic grievances but then changed course and raised the slogan of independence. BLA and BRA based in Balochistan Mountains are waging a guerrilla war without a leader since both Brahamdagh Bugti and Harbyar Marri are in exile. BLF is operating in Khuzdar region.

 

All these anti-Pakistan groups are patronized by CIA, RAW, MI-6, RAAM and Mossad from Afghanistan. India is leading the covert war against Pakistan by organizing 70 training camps along the northwestern and southwestern borders of Pakistan. Indian Embassy in Kabul, four Indian consulates and 17 intelligence units in Afghanistan are working with a missionary zeal to destabilize Pakistan. Indian Embassy in Tehran and consulates in Zahidan, Mashhad and Bandar Abbas are also supporting terrorist groups in Balochistan in addition to Spin Boldak route.          

 

Once the US-NATO forces exit from Afghanistan by December 2014, the Taliban on both sides of Durand Line will be left with no justifiable cause to continue fighting and spilling blood of the Muslim brethren of their own respective countries. If the US leaves behind a force in Afghanistan, it will give reason to the Taliban to continue fighting. In Pakistan, Kashmir will keep Jihadism alive. If India wants terrorism to end, it will have to make urgent and sincere efforts to resolve this chronic problem which can lead to nuclear war between India and Pakistan. Game of trickery and habitual delaying tactics and seeking one-sided concessions would not work any longer. Kashmir and other contentious issues like Siachin, Sir Creek and water will have to be resolved to remove points of friction which stir up religious extremism.

 

India must not forget that religious extremist groups imbued with religious fervor for over three decades cannot be convinced to abandon Jihad and join the mainstream of secular culture in which Westminster democracy has failed to ameliorate the sufferings of the poor and justice system has failed to deliver justice to have-nots. Pakistan has remained deficient of a genuine leader for 64 years. Leaders with feat of clay and living in regal style are out of sync with the people and have no moral authority to censure Islamists that their way of life is wrong and their demand for Shariah is illegal.

 

The leaders will first have to become role models in their personal conduct, ensure good governance, ensure equitable social justice and provide job opportunities to all and only then will they be able reach out to the downtrodden and say that they have something better to offer. Education which is confined to the privileged must be opened to all classes and uniformity achieved. All this which has been ignored require Herculean efforts based on sincerity of purpose and devotion.

 

Despite best efforts by our security forces and rendering huge sacrifices, TTP network aligned with several local Jihadist groups as well as al-Qaeda and Islamic Movement of Uzbekistan could not be tamed. They have been striking soft and hard targets at will and the might of the military equipped with heavy guns, tanks, gunship helicopters and jets doesn’t overawe them. Even drones could do little to scare them. Their suicide bombing producing nurseries are functional and they are never short of new recruits. Teeming millions living below the poverty line destined to die as poor get easily recruited as fighters and suicide bombers.  

The TTP may become stronger if Taliban government get re-installed in Kabul after 2014 and may then disagree to ceasefire unless all their demands are accepted unconditionally. The militants could not have continued fighting for so long without external support and safe sanctuaries across the border. There is ample evidence of regular supply of weaponry and funds from across the western border. War on terror will continue as long as supply lines are open for militants. Paradoxically, the key to peace is with hardnosed Taliban.

While the US caught up in a blind alley in Afghanistan is clueless how to exit safely, Pakistan too has no strategy to end the futile war. Infighting among the Muslims suits the US designs; hence it would like the war to continue. It will make maximum use of drones while taking up a backseat in Afghanistan till 2024.

Opinions on war on terror whether it is our war or someone else’s war, and whether talks should be held with militants or not are sharply divided. Those claiming that it is not our war far exceeds those who think otherwise and view it as Pakistan’s existential war. This division in perceptions is to the advantage of militants and disfavors security forces embattled with militants. One thing is clear; this war was coercively imposed upon Pakistan and then terrorism was exported into Pakistan.  

The unparalleled enthusiasm shown by the people in casting their votes despite the terrorist attacks must have brought a sobering effect on the hardliners within TTP’s rank and file. They must be mindful of the hard reality that after 2014, their cause to fight the security forces will become weak and recruitment may slow down and eventually dry up. This is very much possible in the wake of Nawaz Sharif’s determination to address the socio-economic-justice inequities.

 

Under the changed political environment in which anti-Taliban political parties are out of power and pro-Taliban parties have taken over power, the overall atmosphere has become conducive for a constructive dialogue with TTP. Nawaz Sharif, Imran Khan, Maulana Samiul Haq, Maulana Fazlur Rahman and Munawar Hasan are better placed to accept TTP’s offer of talks and take the forward plunge and find a way out to stop this insane war which has caused colossal harm to both sides and to the country. Talks that have been stalled due to drone attack killing Hakimullah’s Deputy Waliur Rahman and six others in North Waziristan (NW) must be renewed. Termination of war is a pre-requisite to tackling the titanic challenges and clearing the huge mess left behind by Zardari regime.

 

Army will have to be co-opted in talks because without its active participation, no worthwhile deal can be brokered. TTP must be reminded of its history of backtracking and breaking peace deals and told not to repeat its past practice. It cannot have the pudding and eat it too. TTP is by design not halting terror attacks so as to sit on the negotiating table from position of strength. TTP must appreciate that the Army’s resolve to fight terrorism as demonstrated by its recent gains made in Tirah is as strong as ever. It can launch another successful operation in NW if required. 

 

Besides addressing FATA’s socio-economic grievances, their longstanding demand of introducing Nizam-e-Adal in FATA could be given serious consideration just the way TNSM’s demand was accepted while signing peace deal in Swat in February 2009. The US should be asked to fulfill its decade old promise of establishing ROZs in FATA. Like Aghaz-e-Haqooq Balochistan, a similar or even better package can be offered for development of FATA on a crash program. In line with the trend of creating more provinces, FATA could be considered to be made a separate province called Qabailistan under its own chief minister and governor. Rather than having so many scouts in tribal belt, a centralized paramilitary force named as Qabailistan Scouts under Qabailistan Training Centre should be considered and the wild TTP after taming and disciplining it to be inducted in it. Cadet Colleges already functioning in South and North Waziristan will provide the requisite officer cadre for this force.              

The writer is a retired Brig and a defence and security analyst and columnist. Email:asifharoonraja@gmail.com

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