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Posted by admin in Taliban terrorists, TARGET PAKISTAN:4TH GENERATION WARFARE, TERRORIST TALIBAN on November 14th, 2013
Mullah Fazlullah’s Rise Complicates Ties Between Kabul, Islamabad
The rise of Mullah Fazlullah as the Pakistani Taliban’s leader marks not only a power shift within the militant network but also threatens to ignite fresh conflict between Islamabad and Kabul.
Mullah Fazlullah is seen in Pakistan in an undated image provided the SITE Intel Group, a U.S. analysis company.
Associated Press
ISLAMABAD—The rise of Mullah Fazlullah as the Pakistani Taliban’s new leader marks not only a power shift within the militant network but also threatens to ignite fresh conflict between Islamabad and Kabul.
Earlier this month, a U.S. drone strike killed the Pakistani Taliban’s chief, Hakimullah Mehsud, prompting a power struggle within the movement’s ranks. For the first time in its six-year history, the group tapped a commander from outside its cradle in the North Waziristan tribal area, selecting a native of Pakistan’s settled regions near Islamabad.
Ousted by a Pakistani army operation from their home valley of Swat in 2009, Mr. Fazlullah and his men are based in Afghanistan’s mountainous Kunar and Nuristan provinces, Pakistani officials and Western diplomats say. These Afghan connections could have serious consequences for relations between Islamabad and Kabul if Pakistani Taliban militants fulfill their promise to avenge the U.S. drone strike with massive attacks on the Pakistani government and army.
Islamabad’s likely response to such bloodshed would be to launch cross-border shelling into Kunar and Nuristan, analysts and diplomats say, as well as deploy some Afghan proxies against Mr. Fazlullah.
An even greater escalation is possible now that U.S.-led forces have by and large withdrawn from that part of Afghanistan. That’s especially so because Pakistani officials and some Western diplomats believe that Mr. Fazlullah enjoys tacit support from elements of the Afghan government that seek to punish Islamabad for its traditional backing of the Afghan Taliban.
“Fazlullah is seen as being hand-in-glove with the Afghan intelligence agencies, and it won’t be long before our hands are forced,” says Saifullah Khan Mahsud, executive director of the FATA Research Center in Islamabad, a think-tank focused on Pakistan’s northwest Federally Administered Tribal Area. “I don’t rule out our incursion into Afghanistan to get him as well. The U.S. has been employing the doctrine of hot pursuit—why not us?”
Any such border violence would put the U.S., which is negotiating a bilateral security pact with Afghanistan and relies on Pakistani routes, in a particularly tough spot.
Afghanistan and the U.S. have long complained that the Afghan Taliban—a separate militant organization—run their operations from shelters in Pakistan, with apparent complicity of the Pakistani security establishment. Adding evidence to these concerns was the assassination this week of a senior financier of the Afghan Taliban-linked Haqqani network in Pakistan’s orderly capital of Islamabad.
“If there are terrorist activities in Pakistan, then there will be a blame game: The Afghans are protecting him, like we are giving shelter to the Haqqanis,” said retired Pakistani Brig. Asad Munir, who served as a senior intelligence official in the country’s troubled northwest and then as the principal secretary for security in the tribal areas along the Afghan border.
The Afghan foreign ministry spokesman Janan Mosazai said that the Afghan government won’t let terrorist groups operate from Afghan territory or use them as a tool against another country. A senior Afghan intelligence official added “there is no evidence” that Kabul is aiding Mr. Fazlullah.
Kunar province Gov. Shuja-ul-Mulk Jalala Khan also described as “just rumors” Pakistani complaints that Mr. Fazlullah is based in his province, even as he said “there is no doubt that Pakistani Taliban are present in the border districts,” operating separately from the Afghan Taliban.
Not so long ago, Western officials dismissed Pakistani claims of Kabul’s support for Pakistani Taliban as little more than a conspiracy theory. That changed last month after a U.S. raid captured the deputy leader of the Pakistani Taliban, Latif Mehsud, on a highway south of Kabul—traveling in an Afghan government convoy. Afghan officials acknowledged they had reached out to Mr. Mehsud as a possible intermediary in their efforts to seek peace talks with the Afghan Taliban, an explanation that some Western diplomats have found disingenuous.
“There is a bit of tit-for-tat going on,” one diplomat said.
A midlevel Pakistani Taliban militant said that such murky connections with Afghan intelligence were dictated by necessity. “If you fight on both sides [of the border], you need allies on at least one side,” he said. “Afghanistan believes that all the problems inside Afghanistan are because of Pakistan, and it is looking for opportunity.”
Although the Pakistani militant group acknowledges the overall authority of Afghan Taliban founder Mullah Mohammed Omar, it pursues a fundamentally different strategy, attacking the Pakistani military and seeking to dismantle the Pakistani state. The Afghan Taliban, by contrast, aren’t hostile to the Pakistani establishment, and focus their campaign on Afghan government and coalition targets.
Mr. Fazlullah is the first leader of the group, formally called Tehreek-e-Taliban Pakistan, who hails from the settled parts of Pakistan proper as opposed to the tribal areas on the Afghan border. Both of his predecessors were from the Mehsud tribe in FATA’s North Waziristan, and up until now the TTP leadership was dominated by the Mehsuds.
Back in the Swat valley, Mr. Fazlullah was dubbed “Mullah Radio” for the fiery broadcasts on a pirate radio station he had established there. His new deputy also comes from a settled area, in Swabi, even closer to the Pakistani capital.
“It is a danger for Pakistan,” says Hafiz Tahir Ashrafi, who heads the Pakistan Ulema Council, a body uniting the country’s Islamic scholars. “Before, the TTP was only in North Waziristan and among the Mehsuds. Fazlullah wants to spread it all over, and make it larger.”
A former river-crossing operator, Mr. Fazlullah, aged around 40, established a draconian regime in the Swat valley, hanging accused sinners and spies on its main market square, and forbidding television, polio vaccination, and girls’ education.
While the Pakistani army views the 2009 clearing of Swat as a success, it is apprehensive that under Mr. Fazlullah the TTP would try to destabilize the valley, known for its scenery and ski resort. Mr. Fazlullah has already taken responsibility for the September killing of a Pakistani army major-general in charge of Swat. In October 2012, his men shot Malala Yousafzai, a teenage campaigner for girls’ education.
“People of Swat are very scared. They fear that Fazlullah is very familiar with this region, and will focus on the settled areas rather than FATA,” said Zubair Torwali, a local civil-society activist and columnist. “This may embolden the Swat Taliban to regroup and begin their activities here again.”
–Habib Khan Totakhil in Kabul and Saeed Shah in Islamabad contributed to this article.
Posted by admin in "Jihadi" Outfits of Terrorism, TERRORIST TALIBAN on October 26th, 2013
Nek Muhammad from Ahmadzai Wazir tribe, Abdullah Mehsud and Baitullah Mehsud, all from South Waziristan (SW) were founding leaders of Pakistani Taliban and had drawn inspiration from Afghan Taliban. They rebelled against the State after regular troops entered SW in 2002 to flush out foreign terrorists and get hold of those who had harbored them. Prior to their movement, Maulana Sufi Muhammad led TNSM in Malakand Division was the first Islamic movement to raise the banner of Shariah in early 1990s. Afghans were also involved in the movement and it became so menacing that an operation led by IGFC Khyber Pakhtunkhwa (KP) had to be launched in 1994. Movement died down after the government agreed to impose Shariah laws in Malakand. Later on Sufi along with his 15000 followers joined Afghan Taliban in their battle against US led invaders in October 2001. Most managed to trek back after ouster of Mullah Omar’s regime one month later.
In 2007, Sufi’s firebrand son-in-law Maulana Fazlullah came in the forefront in Swat because of his fiery speeches on FM radio. He became so popular among the people of the region that women offered their jewelry for his cause of establishing Islamic laws and providing speedy and cheap justice. His radio could not be jammed despite best efforts since the high-tech transmitters were provided by Israel. Seeing his growing popularity, banned Jaish-e-Muhammad and Lashkar-e-Taiba joined him in 2008.
In February 2009, he formally aligned TNSM with TTP, formed in December 2007. His sudden rise to fame was not because of his charisma or humane qualities but because of support of his foreign patrons based in Kabul. Throughout 2008 and till March 2009 he was delivered huge consignments of arms, equipment and satellite connected Thoraya sets which couldn’t be intercepted. These were stored in caves and man-made tunnels in Swat. He established his command and control centre at Peochar to conduct operations from an unassailable vantage point.
Zardari led coalition government of liberal parties kept saying throughout its five-year tenure that it would fight terrorism with full force and would not give up till the elimination of this menace. Imran Khan and Nawaz Sharif however desired ending the war on terror through negotiations. Except for a serious attempt made in February 2009 in Swat wherein peace agreement was inked between Fazlullah led militants and ANP led Khyber Pakhtunkhwa (KP) government, PPP government preferred option of force over talks and increased the troop level in the northwest to 147000. Major operations were carried out in Swat, Shangla, Buner, Dir Malakand, Bajaur and SW in 2009 and TTP’s network was to a large extent dismantled. Thereon, small-scale operations were conducted in remaining tribal agencies and regular troops were deployed in Mehmand and Bajaur Agencies to cater for the threat posed by absconding Fazlullah’s militants based in Kunar and Nuristan. Portion of runaway militants from Swat and SW proceeded to Karachi and added fuel to lawlessness promoted by the three ruling political parties in the port city.
Since supply routes from Afghanistan couldn’t be blocked because of porous nature of Pak-Afghan border, funds and weaponry kept flowing in, which enabled the disarrayed militants under Hakeemullah Mehsud to regroup and convert North Waziristan as their main base of operation and auxiliary bases in other agencies as well as in Dara Adam Khel and certain towns in PATA. Militant activities increased from 2011 onwards. Sea route was another avenue for inflow of illegal weapons. With the connivance of Port & Shipping Authority, Customs Karachi and NATO officials, thousands of NATO containers loaded with arms and equipment went missing. Stolen items were handed over to non-state actors in Karachi and elsewhere.
TTP is aligned with Afghan Taliban as well as with Al-Qaeda, Islamic Movement of Uzbekistan, East Turkistan Islamic Movement, Islamic Jihad Council and dozens of extremist militant groups banned by Pakistan, including Asmatullah Muawia’s group called Janood-e-Hafsa comprising Punjabi Taliban, which had sprouted after Lal Masjid operation in Islamabad in July 2007. All have married up with TTP and picked up arms against State forces. That way, the TTP has managed to spread its tentacles in all parts of Pakistan. Hakeemullah is on record praising al-Qaeda and declaring it as a friend and both owe allegiance to Mullah Omar as Ameer-ul Momineen of Islamic Emirate of Afghanistan. Likewise, the TTP too has confined its militancy mainly against targets inside Pakistan.
2013 saw surge in acts of terror during and after May elections. While PML-N, PTI, JUI and JI were spared by the TTP during elections because of their apparent softness towards the Taliban and anti-American stance, only liberal parties supporting the US policies and war on terror were targeted. However, in post election period, surprisingly the TTP’s ire has remained mostly focused on PTI ruled KP where PTI”s three ministers have fallen victim to terrorism. Militancy didn’t ebb even after the historic All Parties Conference (APC) on September 9 in which all parties unanimously agreed to give peace a chance and to hold talks with TTP without conditions. It was also decided to exert maximum pressure on the US to halt counterproductive drone attacks which were fuelling terrorism failing which take the issue to the UN. These bold decisions were taken and have so far not been reversed in spite of America’s serious reservations, anger of the liberals and no let up in militant attacks.
In the first place there should have been no talks with non-state actors who have rebelled against the State and are fighting State forces for over a decade. They are involved in heinous crimes and have killed well over 40,000 innocent people including 5000 Army personnel and large number of policemen. They do not recognize Pakistan’s Constitution and reject parliamentary system of democracy and judicial system. They want their extremist brand of Shariah to be introduced. Their worst crime is that the top leadership is receiving financial and material support from foreign agencies inimical to Pakistan and in return is fulfilling their agenda. While every fighter receives monthly salary of Rs 30,000, every suicide bomber and bomb planter gets heavily paid. They hate the elite class in particular and want their ouster from corridors of power and instead want establishment of Islamic Caliphate. Unlike Afghan Taliban wishing to make Afghanistan an Islamic Emirate, some among the TTP desire to bring down the international world order and replace it with Islamic system. This is akin to al-Qaeda’s viewpoint.
Pak military has a definite edge over militants in northwestern regions duly supported by foreign powers. Owing to its robust fighting capacity and unswerving resolve, a marked change has come about in the truculent posture of TTP and of late it is giving strong signals of opening peace talks with the government and putting an end to the war. Several reasons are behind this apparent change. These are hereunder: (1) Cracks have occurred within TTP and those favoring talks outnumber hardliners. (2) Hakeemullah is not in full control over large number of groups affiliated with TTP. (3) Afghan Taliban and TTP are not on one page particularly after Mullah Omar issued a directive last year asking TTP to desist from targeting military and civil targets in Pakistan and instead concentrating towards the critical final phase in Afghanistan. Hakeemullah didn’t heed to his advice. (4) Fazlullah is also not in good books of Afghan Taliban and according to reports Haqqani network mounted a deadly attack on his safe haven in Kunar recently in which he reportedly breathed his last.
(5) Pressure of Ulema and Mushaikh in Pakistan is mounting on TTP because of their fatwas declaring suicide attacks, terror attacks on mosques and against innocent people and enforcing Shariah by force against the spirit of Islam. They have appealed to the Taliban as well as to the government to hold peace talks and put an end to violence at the earliest. (6) Once the foreign troops exit Afghanistan in December 2014, TTP will get deprived of a cause to fight Pak security forces and thus will get isolated. (7) Targeted operation in Karachi, framing of national security and counter terrorism policies, toughening of anti-terror laws, establishment of special counterterrorism force in each province and anti-terrorist courts and improvement in intelligence network by the present government and above all its people-friendly policies will shrink the space for the terrorists. (8) TTP is fearful that repeat of 2009 may not recur. (9) Nawaz having firmly taken up drone case with the UN and Obama, TTP’s major grouse has been taken care of.
Over five weeks have lapsed since APC gave a green signal to the government to go ahead with peace talks but so far no breakthrough has been achieved. TTP spokesman Shahidullah Shahid complains the government has not made formal offer of talks and expressed his unawareness about backchannel contacts as claimed by the government. He also complained about the prejudice of media trying to fail the talks by distorting facts. The TTP also dissociated from three terror attacks in KP including the one on Church in Peshawar in which 86 Christians lost their lives. Stepped up attacks and also condition-based talks in fact were reasons for government’s skepticism about TTP’s intentions and its in-action.
The KP government has expressed serious concern over delay in talks and is holding federal government responsible for inaction. Imran Khan’s suggestion of opening of TTP’s office similar to the one opened by Afghan Taliban in Doha has evoked criticism from liberals. He feels that delay in commencement of talks is providing a chance to anti-peace elements within militant groups to carryout terror attacks in the name of TTP so as to sabotage peace talks. In response to government’s apprehensions about clash between pro-peace and anti-peace groups, the TTP has given an assurance that once mutually agreed ceasefire is announced; it would make sure that all the affiliated groups would abide by the agreement. TTP Shura now seems willing to negotiate without pre-conditions.
Lots of blood has flown in this foreign sponsored war on terror in which all the sufferers have been Pakistanis. Both sides should step up efforts to ceasefire, hold talks without conditions with open minds, nominate negotiators and guarantors, avoid spoilers and keep foreign interference at bay and strive to arrive at a negotiated settlement as soon as possible. It is good that Obama has assured of the US non-interference in peace process and help in its materialization. Once peace is restored, foremost requirement would be to isolate foreign terrorist groups, expel foreign terrorists of all hues, close Afghan refugee camps and send them back and rehabilitate misled home-grown militant groups into the mainstream.
The writer is a retired Brig, defence analyst and columnist. [email protected]
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