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Archive for category SIKH GENOCIDE

PTT SERIES ON OUR SIKH BROS: SIKH GENOCIDE IN INDIA BY MANWINDER SINGH GIASPUR & REMEMBERING THE MASSACRE OF SIKHS IN JUNE OF 1984 BY SIMRAN JEET SINGH

PTT SERIES ON OUR SIKH BROS: SIKH GENOCIDE IN INDIA BY MANWINDER SINGH GIASPUR & REMEMBERING THE MASSACRE OF SIKHS IN JUNE OF 1984 BY SIMRAN JEET SINGH

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 
 

Simran Jeet Singh Headshot

 

 
 

 

 

 

REMEMBERING THE MASSACRE OF SIKHS IN JUNE OF 1984

 

 
 
 
 
DURING THE FIRST WEEK OF JUNE, SIKHS AROUND THE WORLD COMMEMORATE A RECENT HISTORICAL EVENT: OPERATION BLUESTAR OF 1984, A GOVERNMENT-SANCTIONED MILITARY OPERATION THAT RESULTED IN COUNTLESS CASUALTIES AND THE DESTRUCTION OF ONE OF THE MOST HISTORICALLY SIGNIFICANT GURDUARAS, THE DARBAR SAHIB OF AMRITSAR (I.E., THE GOLDEN TEMPLE).
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
Sikhs constitute one of the many persecuted minority communities in India, and their commitment to standing for justice has made them a regular target of oppression for centuries.
Approximately one decade prior to the massacre of 1984, Sikh leaders of Punjab drafted the Anandpur Sahib Resolution, a document that called for a social revolution within India, demanding rights for oppressed minorities such as women, lower castes and impoverished communities. The resolution also demanded increased state autonomy, guarantees of constitutional rights and equality of citizens regardless of caste, religion or gender.
In the face of government resistance, the Sikhs raised the banner of the Dharam Yudh Morcha, threatening to protest peacefully until the federal government acknowledged the Anandpur Sahib Resolution and implemented change. They made their voices heard through campaigns that blocked off streets (rasta roko), railways (rail roko), canals (nahar roko) and work (kam roko). These protests threatened the economic and social stability of the country, and this played a major role in the Government’s decision to attack the core of the Sikh community. The government employed popular media to project Sikhs as being anti-national and secessionist, and used this as a pretense for the military operation in the theo-political capital of the Sikh tradition.
On June 1, 1984, the Indian Government launched Operation Bluestar, a full-scale assault on dozens of gurduaras around the Sikh homeland of Punjab. While coordinating attacks on these centers for worship and learning, the Government focused its attention on the most venerated and historically significant of gurduaras — the Darbar Sahib.
The invasion of the Indian Army was by no means a spontaneous reaction to the threat posed by protesting Punjabis; rather, the Indian Military prepared and simulated this operation for several months prior to its execution. The army’s assault included the deployment of tear gas, army tanks and 70,000 troops. Observers have widely speculated that the timing of the attack was also carefully selected to coincide with the first few days of June, a moment during which Sikhs around the globe commemorate the martyrdom of their fifth Guru, Guru Arjan. Guru Arjan is celebrated for many reasons, including his role as the architect of Darbar Sahib, and Sikhs flock to this site in Amritsar every June to honor his contributions.
As in years past, on June 1, 1984, Sikhs were filling the complex to pay their respects when Indian military forces arrived and placed them under siege. A deliberate and calculated massacre ensued, perpetrated by a government against its own citizens. Anthropologist Joyce Pettigrew explains the purpose of the invasion: “The Army went into Darbar Sahib not to eliminate a political figure or a political movement but to suppress the culture of a people, to attack their heart, to strike a blow at their spirit and self-confidence.”
S.M. Sikri, former Chief Justice of the Supreme Court of India, elaborates by describing Operation Bluestar as a “massive, deliberate and planned onslaught to the life, property and honor of a comparatively small, but easily identifiable minority community.”
Eyewitnesses tell a story different than that of the Indian government published in the “White Paper on the Punjab Agitation.” Devinder Singh Duggal was responsible for overseeing the Sikh Reference Library and recalled that the Army fired on the complex for several hours starting around 12:30 p.m. on June 1. The next day passed relatively peacefully as the military lifted the curfew and allowed large numbers of Sikhs to enter the complex. After filtering innocent civilians into the complex, the Army again sealed the exits to Darbar Sahib, cordoned off the borders of Amritsar, and imposed a strict curfew.
At approximately 4 a.m. on June 4, the Army assault re-commenced and continued unabated for more than 48 hours. Survivors vividly recall seeing piles of dead women and children on the ground as an armored carrier and eight tanks entered the complex in the early morning of June 6. Army officers announced from inside the tanks: “Please come out. God’s blessings are with you. We will help you reach home absolutely safe and sound.” Survivors testify that those who came out in the open were shot down at sight.
Brahma Challeney of the Associated Press of America reported that a large number of innocent Sikhs were brutally murdered — some officers used the Sikhs’ turbans to tie their hands behind their backs, while other officers made rounds among the captives and executed each at point-blank range. The Indian Government has denied these statements, but eyewitness testimonies and post-mortem reports have invariably corroborated these accounts.
In order to conceal the extent of its assaults and grave human rights violations, the Indian government broadened its exile of all media outlets by barring access to organizations offering humanitarian aid. Social interest groups such as the Red Cross, Amnesty International, Human Rights Watch and the United Nations Human Rights Reporters were denied entry into Punjab, and as a result were extremely limited in their abilities to evaluate and respond to the atrocities of Operation Bluestar.
The number of civilians murdered in Operation Bluestar remains unknown. While the most conservative estimates place the number of casualties around 675, independent and reputable sources estimate a minimum of 10,000 casualties. Joyce Pettigrew reports that a senior police officer in Punjab assessed the number of casualties as closer to 20,000.
The Committee on Human Rights openly criticized the unjust attack against innocent Sikhs, particularly when there were no allegations against them:
The most disturbing thing about the entire operation was that a whole mass of men, women, and children were ordered to be killed merely on the suspicion that some terrorists were operating from the Golden Temple [i.e., Darbar Sahib] and other Gurdwaras. Thus such a major military attack resulting in the massacre of largely innocent people was undertaken on mere suspicion which had been created by the statements of police and the government themselves.
The violation of human rights in 1984 is not just a Sikh issue — it is an issue of minority rights in India. Countless minority groups have been targeted and oppressed in the 65 years since the independence of India, and the continued denial of justice perpetuates the marginalization of these groups. Until there is accountability for these human rights violations, minority communities will continue to feel isolated and aliened. And as long as this continues, Sikhs across the globe will continue to stand up against these injustices.
This essay has been adapted from the latest edition of Gunisha Kaur’s book on human rights violations in Punjab, ‘Lost in History: 1984 Reconstructed.’
MORE: Human Rights Violations Sikhism India Sikhism Human Rights Golden Temple Sikh Massacre Operation Bluestar Anti Sikh Violence Sikhs in India

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During the first week of June, Sikhs around the world commemorate a recent historical event: Operation Bluestar of 1984, a government-sanctioned military operation that resulted in countless casualties and the destruction of one of the most historically significant gurduaras, the Darbar Sahib of Amritsar (i.e., The Golden Temple).
Sikhs constitute one of the many persecuted minority communities in India, and their commitment to standing for justice has made them a regular target of oppression for centuries.
Approximately one decade prior to the massacre of 1984, Sikh leaders of Punjab drafted the Anandpur Sahib Resolution, a document that called for a social revolution within India, demanding rights for oppressed minorities such as women, lower castes and impoverished communities. The resolution also demanded increased state autonomy, guarantees of constitutional rights and equality of citizens regardless of caste, religion or gender.
In the face of government resistance, the Sikhs raised the banner of the Dharam Yudh Morcha, threatening to protest peacefully until the federal government acknowledged the Anandpur Sahib Resolution and implemented change. They made their voices heard through campaigns that blocked off streets (rasta roko), railways (rail roko), canals (nahar roko) and work (kam roko). These protests threatened the economic and social stability of the country, and this played a major role in the Government’s decision to attack the core of the Sikh community. The government employed popular media to project Sikhs as being anti-national and secessionist, and used this as a pretense for the military operation in the theo-political capital of the Sikh tradition.
On June 1, 1984, the Indian Government launched Operation Bluestar, a full-scale assault on dozens of gurduaras around the Sikh homeland of Punjab. While coordinating attacks on these centers for worship and learning, the Government focused its attention on the most venerated and historically significant of gurduaras — the Darbar Sahib.
The invasion of the Indian Army was by no means a spontaneous reaction to the threat posed by protesting Punjabis; rather, the Indian Military prepared and simulated this operation for several months prior to its execution. The army’s assault included the deployment of tear gas, army tanks and 70,000 troops. Observers have widely speculated that the timing of the attack was also carefully selected to coincide with the first few days of June, a moment during which Sikhs around the globe commemorate the martyrdom of their fifth Guru, Guru Arjan. Guru Arjan is celebrated for many reasons, including his role as the architect of Darbar Sahib, and Sikhs flock to this site in Amritsar every June to honor his contributions.
As in years past, on June 1, 1984, Sikhs were filling the complex to pay their respects when Indian military forces arrived and placed them under siege. A deliberate and calculated massacre ensued, perpetrated by a government against its own citizens. Anthropologist Joyce Pettigrew explains the purpose of the invasion: “The Army went into Darbar Sahib not to eliminate a political figure or a political movement but to suppress the culture of a people, to attack their heart, to strike a blow at their spirit and self-confidence.”
S.M. Sikri, former Chief Justice of the Supreme Court of India, elaborates by describing Operation Bluestar as a “massive, deliberate and planned onslaught to the life, property and honor of a comparatively small, but easily identifiable minority community.”
Eyewitnesses tell a story different than that of the Indian government published in the “White Paper on the Punjab Agitation.” Devinder Singh Duggal was responsible for overseeing the Sikh Reference Library and recalled that the Army fired on the complex for several hours starting around 12:30 p.m. on June 1. The next day passed relatively peacefully as the military lifted the curfew and allowed large numbers of Sikhs to enter the complex. After filtering innocent civilians into the complex, the Army again sealed the exits to Darbar Sahib, cordoned off the borders of Amritsar, and imposed a strict curfew.
At approximately 4 a.m. on June 4, the Army assault re-commenced and continued unabated for more than 48 hours. Survivors vividly recall seeing piles of dead women and children on the ground as an armored carrier and eight tanks entered the complex in the early morning of June 6. Army officers announced from inside the tanks: “Please come out. God’s blessings are with you. We will help you reach home absolutely safe and sound.” Survivors testify that those who came out in the open were shot down at sight.
Brahma Challeney of the Associated Press of America reported that a large number of innocent Sikhs were brutally murdered — some officers used the Sikhs’ turbans to tie their hands behind their backs, while other officers made rounds among the captives and executed each at point-blank range. The Indian Government has denied these statements, but eyewitness testimonies and post-mortem reports have invariably corroborated these accounts.
In order to conceal the extent of its assaults and grave human rights violations, the Indian government broadened its exile of all media outlets by barring access to organizations offering humanitarian aid. Social interest groups such as the Red Cross, Amnesty International, Human Rights Watch and the United Nations Human Rights Reporters were denied entry into Punjab, and as a result were extremely limited in their abilities to evaluate and respond to the atrocities of Operation Bluestar.
The number of civilians murdered in Operation Bluestar remains unknown. While the most conservative estimates place the number of casualties around 675, independent and reputable sources estimate a minimum of 10,000 casualties. Joyce Pettigrew reports that a senior police officer in Punjab assessed the number of casualties as closer to 20,000.
The Committee on Human Rights openly criticized the unjust attack against innocent Sikhs, particularly when there were no allegations against them:

The most disturbing thing about the entire operation was that a whole mass of men, women, and children were ordered to be killed merely on the suspicion that some terrorists were operating from the Golden Temple [i.e., Darbar Sahib] and other Gurdwaras. Thus such a major military attack resulting in the massacre of largely innocent people was undertaken on mere suspicion which had been created by the statements of police and the government themselves.

 
 

The violation of human rights in 1984 is not just a Sikh issue — it is an issue of minority rights in India. Countless minority groups have been targeted and oppressed in the 65 years since the independence of India, and the continued denial of justice perpetuates the marginalization of these groups. Until there is accountability for these human rights violations, minority communities will continue to feel isolated and aliened. And as long as this continues, Sikhs across the globe will continue to stand up against these injustices.
This essay has been adapted from the latest edition of Gunisha Kaur’s book on human rights violations in Punjab, ‘Lost in History: 1984 Reconstructed.’

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“Declare the RAW (Research and Analysis Wing) of alleged Indian State a ‘Rogue Outfit”, By Dr Awatar Singh Sekhon

 

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“Declare the RAW (Research and Analysis Wing) of alleged Indian State a ‘Rogue Outfit”  

Dr Awatar Singh Sekhon (Machaki)

 
Piare Bhai Sahib (Bhra; my dear brother) Asif Haroon Raja ji,

Aslaam O Alaikum!

Once again, heartiest Congratulations for exposing the heinous and clandestine operations of RAW responsible to a criminal, murderer and organizer of the “Genocides of Muslims of Gujarat State, 2002-2003” Chief (Narendra Damodar Modi, herein referred NDM), Council of Ministers, the New Delhi administration. There must not be required any further evidence to “Declare RAW the Rouge Outfit of the alleged Indian demo[n]cracy led by a murderer and killer NDM.” It is, indeed, the moral obligation and duty to do so without wasting even a fraction of a second. Terrorism carried out by the ‘rouge agency like NDM’s alleged demo[]ncracy must not be allowed by the peace loving people of the democratic and other administration of our peaceful world. Such operations and activities must be ceased immediately and replaced by the peaceful dialogue to resolve disputes in the highly volatile area of the world, South Asia. In fact, if you ask me about the Brahmins-Hindus terrorism, I would say that (i) this country of the population of 2.5-3% Brahmins and no more than 7% population of their Hindu followers has been breeding “hatred” against the people guided since the statesman like MA Jinnah, Father of Pakistan, (ii) no one has understood the Brahmins-Hindus nexus better than Janab MA Jinnah and (iii) according to the teachings of Guru Baba Nanak Sahib, the founder of the Sikh religion (a religion and Sikh culture as well) in the 15th century, “Mathe Tikka Terrh Dhoti Kakhaii, Hath Chhurri Jagat Kasaii inscribed in the Sikh scripture, Guru Granth Sahib, i. e., the only guiding document for peace and love, not only to its followers (the Sikhs), but to the entire universe. If I were to explain the meaning of Guru Baba Nanak Sahib’s teachings cited above is the “Brahmin (elite Hindus) is the Butcher of our peaceful world.”

We, the peaceful citizens of the world, request the democratic administrations of our peaceful world to look for the avenues to restore peace in our world, so that our tomorrow’s generations will be followers and advocates of peace, the peaceful living in the times to come.

Brother, I would like you to congratulate once again, to develop and follow the peace in our world.

With best wishes and warmest regards to you, your family, respected colleagues, citizens of a great nation of the dreams and vision of Janab MA Jinnah, the Father of the Islamic Republic of Pakistan, and the peace loving people of our peaceful world.

Your brother,

Awatar Singh Sekhon (Machaki), Ph D, FIBA, RM (CCM)

Editor in Chief, International Journal of Sikh Affairs ISSN 1481-5435

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SIKH WAR HERO : GENERAL SHABEG SINGH MOWED DOWN BY INDIAN ARMY IN OPERATION BLUESTAR

General Shabeg Singh

 

General Shabeg Singh

General Shabeg Singh- the great general of modern times belonged to village Khiala, about nine miles from Am Chogwan Road. The eldest son of Sardar Bhagwan Singh and Pritam Kaur. He had three brothers and a sister. The General traced its lineage to great Sikh warrior, Bhai Mehtab Singh who along with Bhai Sukha Singh slew the notorious Massa Rangar in 1740 and thus avenged the desecration of the Golden Temple. The family was was well-to-do and prosperous and had good size of land holding of over 100 acres. The village Khiala was earlier known as Khiala Nand Singhwala. Nand Singh was the great grandfather of Shabeg Singh. Later on the name got shortened. Mother of Shaheg Singh was devout lady but she was very practical and a great disciplinarian. She never forgot to remind her children and grand children that they were the descendents of Baba Mehtab Singh and must live up to the family name. Sardar Bhagwan Singh was the village Lambardar and remained quite occupied with the problems of the village folk who always looked to him for guidance and depended greatly upon his advice .

In 1952, the younger brothers Sardar Shamsher Singh, Sardar Jaswant Singh along with their brother-in-law shifted to Haidwani in the Terrai area of UP after having bought farmlands there. In 1957, Jaswant Singh died. From his early childhood Shabeg Singh displayed qualifies of leadership and intelligence much above that of the average village child. He was quick witted and often pontaneously composed extemporaneous verses to caricature interesting village personalities

He displayed a keen interest in history and literature and his village teachers were impressed with his intellectual ability. They advised Sardar Bhagwan Singh and Pritam Kaur to send him to a school. He was sent to Khalsa College Amritsar for secondary education and from there to a Govt. College Lahore for higher education. He was an outstanding foot ball and hockey player and excelled in athletics. At the age of 18 years he had equaled the India records in 100 meters sprint and was the District Broad jump champion. However, even though he had a natural ability for sports he did not wish to pursue that as a career, his mind was on the army, which was considered a noble profession. He excelled in studies and generally topped his class.

In 1940, an officers selection team visiting Lahore colleges were looking for fresh recruits to the Indian Army officers cadre. Out of a large number of students, who applied, Shabeg Singh was the only one to he selected from Government College and sent for training in the officer training school. After training he was commissioned in the second Punjab Regiment as a Second Lieutenant. Within a few days the Regiment moved to Burma and joined the war against the Japanese, which was then in progress. In 1944 when the war ended he was in Malaya with his unit. After partition, when reorganization of the regiments took place, he joined the Parachute brigade as a Paratrooper. He was posted in the 1st para battalion in which he remained till 1959.

By nature Gen Shabeg was a voracious reader, he had read about every military campaign and knew the biography of every military general of consequence. He had a natural flair for history and loved reading. He could fluently speak Punjabi, Persian, Urda, Gorkhali besides English and Hindi. He was an instructor in the Military Academy at Dehra Dun and held a number of important staff appointments in various ranks In the army he had a reputation of being fearless officer and one who did not tolerate any nonsense. People either loved him or dreaded him because of his frank and forthright approach. During the course of his service in the Indian army, Shaheg Singh fought in every war that India participated in.

Shabeg Singh Getting a Wartime medal from President of IndiaIn 1947, he was at Naushera in Jammu and Kashmir fighting against the Pakistan Army. While at Staff College, in addition to the academic work, he set a record in winning three, point to point and five flat races on horse back a record never equaled. Because of his knowledge of military science and excellent grasp of military operations he was appointed a Brigade Major after the staff course. As Brigade Major of 166 Infantry Brigade- a crack formation, he feit most at home when the formation was out on military exercises.

In 1962 during the India-China war, he was in NorthEast Frontier Agency as a Lt Col in HQ four Corps where he was GSO-J (Intelligence). In the 196S operations against Pakistan, he was in the Haji Pir Sector in Jammu and Kashmir, commanding a battalion of Gorkha troops. He commanded 3/11 Gorkha Rifles with distinction and was mentioned in dispatches for the capture of important enemy positions on the Haji Pir front.

A few days before the battalion was to he launched into attack, the Commanding Officer (that time Lieutenant Colonel) Shabeg Singh received a telegram from his mother informing him that his father had expired. Being the eldest he quietly put the telegram in his pocket and no one in his battalion even knew that the commanding officer had lost his father on the eve of battle, Only when the operations were over, did he apply for leave and perform his duty of consoling his mother and family. His mother, Pritam Kaur, never asked why he had not been reached for performing the last rites. Everything was understood the call of duty to defend the nation’s frontiers was of primary importance.

Soon after the 1965 operations, Shabeg became Col G.S. of an infantry division, after which he was given command of the crack 19 Infantry brigade in Jammu Sector. In 1%9 when the Eastern sector of India was becoming deeply involved in Naga anti-insurgency operations he was posted as Deputy GOC of the largest Indian Division – eight Mountain Division which had nearly 50 thousand troops under command. With his leadership qualities and employment of dare~devil tactics he was greatly successful in handling the counter-insurgency operations in that region. Mukhti Bahini In 1971, when the political turmoil in East Pakistan (now Bangladesh) started and the Bengalis declared their intentions to separate, the Yahya Khan Govt cracked down on the Bengalis, forcing them to flee to neighboring Indian States. India decided to intervene and in 1971 started the clandestine insurgency operations in East Pakistan.Shabeg Singh in BangladeshThe Indian Army Chief Field Marshal Manekshaw specially selected Shabeg Singh, then a brigadier, and made him in-charge of Delta Sector with lead Quarters at Aggartala. He was given the responsibility of planning, organizing and directing insurgency operations in the whole of Central and East Bangladesh. Under his command were placed all the Bangladesh officers that had deserted from the Pakistan Army. These included Col Osmani, as adviser, Maj Zia-Ur-Rehman and Mohammad Mustaq. Zia Ur Rehman later became the President of Bangladesh while Mustaq Mohammed became Bangladesh army chief. Starting from about January to October 1971, the insurgency operations gradually grew to such an intensity that by the time war started, the Pakistan army in East Bengal had completely lost their will to resist. The Indian Govt did not want the world to know that the Indian Army was training and directing the Bengali insurgents so all activities were very secret. Shabeg was so thoroughly involved in these clandestine operations that for five months from December 70 to April 71, his family had no news about his whereabouts. They believed he was till in Nagaland and wondered why he did not write because he had always been regular in writing home to his wife. In April 1970, the first letter was received from the Civilian address of a Merchant shop in Aggartala and his name was written as S.Baigh, such was the nature of secrecy maintained of the Army’s involvement in the insurgency movement. The wife was quite confused and the family wondered what was going on because the letter was very brief and just said, “don’t worry I am ok.”.

Meanwhile as the Mukti Bahini got bolder, the Pak Army in the East began to grow demoralized due to the onslaught. It got so widely dispersed in trying to contain the ‘Mukti Bahini’ that when the Indian Army launched its operations in Nov.1971 they were able to walk through to Dacca, virtually unopposed. Over one hundred thousand enemy troops with the complete general staff surrendered,leading to the emergence of Bangladesh. The credit of this great achievement was mainly due to the efforts of Shabeg Singh, who spent day and night organizing, motivating and training young Bengali youth to fight for their land. Such was the motivation of a Bengali youth force known as Mukti Bahini and so perfect the direction of their operation that no senior administrative officer felt safe in Bengal. Guerilia strikes were launched on five star hotels and on ships in Chittagong harbor to show the extent of power which the Mukti Bahini wielded. Strategic bridges were destroyed, factories closed and movement within Bangladesh restricted resulting in a paralysis of the economy. No doubt it was a cakewalk for the Indian Army when the actual operations were launched. The Indian government promoted Shaheg Singh to the post of Major General and awarded him the Param Vashist Sewa Medal in recognition of his services. He had earlier been awarded the Ati Vashist Sewa Medal also. He was made General Officer Command of MP Bihar and Orissa. The Jaya Pyakash Narayan movement had started during 1972-73 and became a serious threat to the Indira Govt. Police were sympathetic with JP and his followers, so the Government decided to use the Army. Gen Shabeg was asked to arrest JP and take some harsh measure against his followers but he refused saying this was not his job. The result was that the Congress Govt later instituted a CBI inquiry to harass him on cooked-up charges and he was out posted of the area. After the Indo-Pak wall, all the Pakistani POWs were under his jurisdiction and senior General Staff were kept at Jabalpur which was also the HQs of MP.Bihar and Orissa area. Due to jealousy of certain senior army officers , he was not given the command of a Division which was a move of the Army for denying him promotion. Here was a field commander with so much war experience-denied command of a combat formation. Why so? Only to do deny him promotion when his name came up. While he was posted as GOC of the UP Area HQs in whose jurisdiction the Kumaon Regimental Center is placed, it was found that the commander of the Kumaon Military Farm had given a large sum money to the Chief, Gen Raina, who was himself from the same regiment. A court of inquiry discovered that General Raina (a Kashmiri Brahmin), Army received over two hundred thousand rupees from the Kumaon farm to meet expenses for his daughter’s marriage. When this information was brought to the notice of the General Office Commanding, Shabeg Singh; he told Gen Raina about the findings of the Court of Inquiry and requested the chief to return the amount as the Military farm of the Kumaon Regt was already running a loss. The result was that Gen Shabeg was promptly posted out of the this indiscretion and the inquiry hushed up.

The forthwith posting was an unprecedented action because peacetime postings are never conducted on such emergency basis. Soon after that the Army instituted a court of inquiry against Gen Shabeg Singh which dragged on for one year till the date of his retirement on May, 1 1976. The main charge against the General had accepted a plaque costing Rs 2500 as a gift on his positing out of Jabalpur area HQs. -Even though a similar present had been predecessor and it is common for senior officers to accept such gifts. However, in the case of Gen Shabeg it became an offense. Some other flimsy charges were also made like allowing his official house land to be used for cultivation purposes and permitting sale of goods purchased from customs in the area HQs Canteen. These practices had been in vogue even before Gen had taken command of the area in 1972. The vindictiveness of Indian Government and the Army Chief was made obvious, when one day prior of Gen Shabeg’s retirement, on April 30, 1976 the hero of Mukti Bahini, a highly decorated general with PVSM & AVSM, who had been actively involved in every operation that Indian Army fought since his joining service and who spent the major portion of his life in field areas separated from the cost of his wife’s health and the education of his children was dismissed from the Army. Such was the treatment meted out to a brave soldier and an outstanding General, a leader of men, whom the Indian government and some senior Army officers in 1984 after Operation Blue Star dubbed as ‘disgruntled’ and frustrated because he was loyal to his community and fought for its honor and to protect the Golden Temple against the Army attack.

Gen Shabeg Singh was convinced, even while he was still serving in the Army, that the Government of India was curbing the freedom of Sikhs all over India. He was aware of the discrimination against Sikhs in denying them promotions and the general hostility of the Govt. who were set to weed out the Sikhs from the Army. The general reduction in the strength of Sikhs in the Army and the policy of the Govt. towards Sikhs in Punjab by denying them capital industry, restricting the Sikh peasant to farming of wheat and crops whose prices were also controlled to deny them full reward. The denial of full and fare shares of river waters were apart of an overall conspiracy to deny Sikhs their legitimate due. At the same time the propaganda of the Indian Government against the Sikhs, painting them as communal. Their demand for autonomy was treated as treachery and anti-patriotic by the Govt, and the “free” press vociferously branded the Sikh demands as secessionist. The beleaguered Sikhs had no way to voice their grievances, they were not properly organized, they had no press which commanded international attention. The Akali party as painted as party of uneducated, unlettered, obscurantists Sikhs so that belonging to intelligentsia, shied away from it.The Akalis in turn were suspicious of these former Government servants and doubted their loyalties. This resulted in growing gap between the Sikh Intelligentsia and Sikh politicians. Retired Sikh Army officers as well as Civil Administration preferred to join the Congress rather than a Sikh political party.

In 1977, Gen Shabeg Singh decided to throw-in his lot with the Akali Party as it was the only party in Punjab which was Sikhism oriented instead of Congress which was more of a secular party. He met Sardar Gurcharan Singh Tohra and offered to work as a soldier of Panth. The shrewd SGPC president was initially hesitant and distant but gradually was won over by the sincerity of the general and started seeking his advice important matters like associating Sikh Intelligentsia and ex servicemen with the Aakli Morcha. It was the way of Shaheg Singh thatt once he took a decision, he stuck to it and refused to be shaken from his resolve. His brother, who was progressive and well -to- do farmer and an active political worker in the Terrai (state of UP in North India)at Bazpur became the first victim of the Government’s oppression on the family. The local Congress leader along with the police connived to finish him and he was killed by the Congress leader in 1978. The same congressman has ever since been terrifying the Sikhs in that area. The loss of his younger brother, was a big blow to Shabeg Singh but his resolve not weaken. The general and his family members were harassed, the CBI tried to implicate the general in a case of alleged misappropriation of wealth and dragged on the case till 1983 Dec., to embarrass and harass him. Eventually the case fell through due to its flimsiness and the acquitted general said to his son, “These CBI official knowing too well the weakness of their case and feeling ashamed of their vain attempts to slander me could not bear to look me in the face.” For five years he had to bear with this govt. sponsored harassment only because he had opted to politics and not taken repressive means against Jaya Prakash Narain’s movement a few years earlier.

Gen Shabeg Singh was very active during the Akali’s peaceful agitation against Government policies of “seeing Sikhs as terrorists” and “river waters and transfer of Chandigarh to Punjab” of 1980 to 84. He courted arrest a number of times and won the hearts of the agitationist who saw that here was one leader who did not accept any preferential treatment in prison. He slept on the floor on a single rug and gave his cot to any old or infirm co-prisoner. He cared for their wants and protested to jail authorities for better conditions for the old and weak agitationists. He won the respect of his colleagues and other leaders like Prakash Singh Badal, Balwant Singh, H.S. Dhindsa and Vice Chancellor B.S.Samundri. Most Akali leaders liked and appreciated his work and sense of dedication. All those who associated with him were enthused by his Spirit He became popular with the people in Punjab and was soon fully engrossed in his service to the “‘Panth”. During the periods when he was out of jail he spent a major portion of his time in the village at Khiala where his mother lived He did not care for the old age comforts that he had planned for by constructing a comfortable house at Dehra Dun. His wife too came to stay in the village where he spent most of the time. This was inspite of her ill health due to a defective kidney and hypertension and the neglect of their house at Dehra Dun.

Punjab had become a leaderless state in 1982- or perhaps there were two many leaders. The people of Punjab were confused. There was Gurcharan Singh Tohra, Parkash Singh Badal, Sant Longowal, Jagdev Singh Talwandi and a host of other big and small leaders. But everyone was suspect in the eyes of the people thanks to the Govt. propaganda and machination of Congress led by Gandhi.

Now stepped another leader, a charismatic personality. A saint and leader of the renowned ‘Damdami Taksal’ Sant Jarnail Singh Bhindranwale. A selfless, dedicated leader who was frank, forthright and outspoken. He had but one interest only – the interest of the Sikh community – the Khalsa. He did not mince words when he attacked the deceitful politics of the Congress. He spoke out plainly on how the Sikhs had been exploited, and how the Akalis’, inspite of their assertions, had fallen prey to the politics of deceit and disruption. They were accused of neglecting Sikh interest when in power to appease the Central Congress Government. People flocked to him. He soon emerged as the undisputed leader of the Sikhs. His following grew at an alarming rate to the discomfort of the Indira’s congress Government. When Gen Shabeg Singh met Sant Jarnail Singh Bhindranwale, he felt naturally attracted to this out spoken, plain and bold man who was a natural leader and whose word, all Sikhs, specially in rural Punjab, The two became closer and closer with passing time. In 1983 Gen Shabeg Singh and other leaders suggested to Sant Jarnail Singh Bhindranwale and Sardar Gurcharan Singh Tohra to get together the Sikh intellectuals and discuss the dangerous situation that was being created by the Government,which was bent upon exploiting the Sikhs to win popular Hindu support and how it could lead to a breaking point. Gen Shabeg Singh worked ceaselessly in drafting letters and inviting eminent Sikhs and ex-Army officers to attend the meeting. which was eventually held and all shades of Sikh leadership felt convinced of the need of unity at this critical juncture. A very large number of retired army personnel attended this meeting and this frightened the Govt. A resolution was made that if need be, Sikhs would sacrifice their lives for the cause. A line was drawn and all who agreed were asked to step across it. Gen Shabeg Singh led the way. With passing time, the only way the Sikhs could escape from the conflagrant situation that was developing was to remain united, but the Govt was steadily working toward eroding any such moves because it had already made up its mind to teach the Sikhs a lesson.

Indira Gandhi, developed a new strategy in dealing with the unwelcome emergence of Sant Jarnail Singh Bhindranwale. She cleverly planned to use the phenomenon to finish Sant Jarnail Singh Bhindrranwale and also win the support of Hindu majority at the cost of the Sikhs. A massive smear campaign was launched to denigrate the new leader who she knew would never compromise on principles. The story of what followed is well known. With each passing day the Governments shameless tirade against the Sikhs grew and grew. There was no way for the Sikhs to respond bul only by getting stuck deeper in the quagmire. Eventually Sant Bhindranwale and his loyalist were forced to seek shelter in the apparent safety of Akal Takhat. The only hope of Sikhs was unity of leadership but that was not to be. They were not strong enough to repel an all out Govt attack, though they had the power to hold the police and allied security forces at bay, perhaps for many months. Now Sant Jarnail Singh needed Gen Shabeg Singh’s help. The General was away at Dehra Dun trying to recuperate from a serious heart attack that he had suffered a few months before, while on one of his “Sikh Prachar” meetings.

A special messenger reached the house at Dehra Dun in the middle of March 1984, with a message from Sant Jarnail Singh Bhandranwale that he was needed at Amritsar. After convalescence at Dehra Dun, Shabeg Singh and his wife had planned on a visit to Hajur Sahib where his wife had pledged to offer prayers once his CBI case was decided In Dec 1983 he had been acquitted of all charges. But this visit was not to be. Without second thought and still not fully recovered he left for Amritsar and that was last he saw his Dehra Dun home which he had planned to spend a peaceful retirement in pursuit prayer and meditation. At Amritsar, he got fully involved in setting up the defenses against Government attack on the Golden Temple complex. He had to plan his defenses such that they were inconspicuous because the pilgrims’ movement to the Golden Temple and around it had to remain unhindered. At the Same time, the defenses had to be very effective. He was in his element now. In the service of his community he did not mind giving up his life. He had always had a love for warfare and thought of death in battle a privilege. Perhaps he had a hidden desire to die fighting and in the holy presence of our Gurus. What better place then, than the Akal Takhat and the close proximity of Harmandir Sahib and in the service of his community. Tirelessly he worked against time with the prayer of Guru Gobind Singh on lips “Deh Shiva Var Mohe��.” In the past, whenever in war, he always offered this prayer. Being an Army General he must have been very well aware of the odd against him. Re had less than 200 young Khalsa youth to help him. Though these were no ordinary youth. They were highly motivated, dedicated to the cause and each one resolved to fight to the last when the time came Yet he knew that with this small band, and hardly any resources with which to resist the might of the Indian Army, he might surely be overwhelmed.

In the interest of the Sikh cause, he did suggest to Sant Jamail Singh Bhindranwale to leave the Akal Takhat and seek refuge outside the country to carry on the struggle. But how could the head of Damdami Taksal accept such a suggestion however practical it may have appeared. Perhaps Indira to knew and had calculated on this. When the time came, he would prefer sacrifice and martyrdom in the footsteps of Baba Deep Singh. Here was combination of two great traditions. One, the head of the great Daindami Takhsal and another a descendent of Bhai Mehtab Singh who had at this very place slashed off the head of vile Massa Rangar and carried it on his spear charging through the bewildered soldiers of the Nawab 250 years earlier. In the meanwhile, the political situation grew worse Indira Gandhi was playing her cards as per the game plan. Hindu feelings against Sikh throughout the country had been sufficiently aroused to condone any action against Sikhs including an assault on the Golden Temple.Commandos had been rehearsed for months at Chakkratta. Come June 1984 and it was time to call in the army and administer the ‘coupe de grace’. The army leader had been carefully selected, Lt Gen R.S. Dayal though the Chief of Staff to Gen Sunderji the Army Commander in charge of the operation was yet given greater coverage by the Govt. dominated media to show that the Army Sikh officers even at the highest level approved on the Golden Temple. Major Gen K.S.Brar, a Sikh only in name, clean shaven, married to an anglo-Indian who smoked and drank and cared not for Sikhism, these two were orchestrated as the leaders of the attack. Giani Zail Singh who signed the papers for army action was the President of the country. He later denied that he knew about army action.

On June 1 and June 2 Gen Brar himself went to asses the defenses of the temple dressed as a pilgrim and convinced his superiors the operation would take only six hours. On June 3 at 9:30 a.m. Punjab, Amritsar was sealed off and no movement of people allowed into the Golden Temple or out of it. At 8:30 a.m. that day Gen Shabeg Singh had literally forced his mother, wife, sister-in-law and nephew to leave the complex and go to the village. They had come there to offer prayers on the Shaheedi Gurupurub of Guru Arjun Dev which fell on June 4 and make arrangements for the annual ‘Chownki’ which pro ceeds from Harmandir Sahib to Gurusar the Gurdwara of guru Hargobind Sahib. The Chownki (party carrying the Guru Granth Sahib) halts at village Khiala which is on the way. Soft drinks, tea and snacks are served to everyone and this duty had been performed by Pritam Kaur, General Shabeg Singh’s mother since many, many years. Even if she was alone, she made sure arrangements for the Chowmki’s were made by the village folks At Harmandir Sahib, thousands of pilgrims who had come for the annual occasion could not leave before 9:30 a.m. and were trapped, many thousands would lose their lives in the massacre that was about to be unleashed by the power-hungry Indira and her stooges. Sikhs would be presented with another group of martyrs. The last chapter in the lives of Sant Jarnail Singh Bhindranwale, Bhai Amrik Singh and Gen Shaheg Singh along with those valiant youth who fought for the honor of Golden Temple and the Sikhs was about to close. So too would be lost the lives of thousands of innocent pilgrims while those spared would rot in camps and prisons of the Indian Govt. for many years. Yet a new chapter in the history of the Sikhs was about to begin. Ever since Blue Star, tens of thousands of Sikh youth have lost their lives in the struggle to achieve an autonomous state, a land which the Sikhs can call their own.


BIBLIOGRAPHY

  • Copyright © J.S. Grewal

 

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Professor Devinder Pal Singh Bhullar’s Living Dead Body Terrorizing Sikhs Now!

 

bULLER sIKH

Professor Devinder Pal Singh Bhullar’s Living Dead Body Terrorizing Sikhs Now!

by

Balbir Singh Sooch

The government of India seems to have decided in connivance with ‘Sikhs Agents’ to keep Professor Devinder Pal Singh Bhullar (Born in Punjab in 1965 to civil servant parents Devinder Pal Singh Bhullar became a Professor of Engineering at Ludhiana University. He is now a convict on death row in India) alive as a living dead body in order to terrorize Sikhs for a long period and decided not to hang him.

As long as Professor Devinder Pal Singh Bhullar is to be kept alive as a living dead body, Sikhs will read and remember as to how his family’s very educated supreme personalities-heads were eliminated and or shown disappeared without allowing any inquiry in the crime committed by the State terrorism as usually happens here in India to keep India united in violation of the internationally recognized norms and values, which  welfare democratic States required to be followed to fulfill the aspirations of their subjects-people like Sikhs and people of J&K etc demand from and within India.

After playing dramas and great publicity in connivance with the agents as happened since long in case of Professor Devinder Pal Singh Bhullar, now the government of India seems in mood not to hang him for the purpose stated above.

Now, the Sikh agents cry to defend the supreme court of India as to how it happened that the mental state of Professor Devinder Pal Singh Bhullar was not brought to the knowledge of the supreme court of India before the final decision?

  The Sikh agents by their statements defending the supreme court of India, to whom, the Sikh agents are trying to blame? Are they asked to blame to the family especially Navneet Kaur wife of Professor Devinder Pal Singh Bhullar or engaged counsel for him in the supreme court of India or somebody else, who were crying for Professor Devinder Pal Singh Bhullar to get him released on every forum of the world?

In such heinous criminal cases as loudly and after crying being said against Professor Devinder Pal Singh Bhullar, the supreme court of India itself competent to ask to bring the accused before court to know his past state of mind and behavior (when, if he said to be committed crime), present state of mind and behavior, future state of mind and behavior as to what shall be social affect, if such accused released or hanged? As such exercises were earlier done by the supreme court of India in Billa-Ranga and other cases in India. Why not so in this case?   The politicians, who matter in India, the Indian agencies, the Sikh stooges and the outside world do understand as to what is going on under the garb of democratic values in India?

I cry more loudly and weep as to why the international community does not speak in the interest of justice of all human beings on the front of or against the State terrorism and corruption in India?

With this humble submission and the question before the international community, I have nothing to say more except enclosing a note, ‘Sikhs Are Agents’ as an introduction about present Sikhs.

 Courtesy: Zameer36.com
 

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BOOK REVIEW : Diary of Anti- Sikh massacre by Hindu Fanatics in India

Diary of anti- Sikh massacre

 

 

I Accuse: The Anti-Sikh Violence of 1984
By Jarnail Singh
Penguin/Viking | 165 pages | Rs 350

Public memory is short but what happened in October-November,1984 with Sikh in Delhi and other parts of India is not only unfortunate and shameful but is a scar that we as a nation, or society at the least, projected to be civilized and humane , should not and must not, be so hasty to wipe out of our collective memories.

The book under discussion is a detail account of not only what happened after assassination of Indira Gandhi by her body guards in terms of massacre but also its aftermath, long-term impact on Sikhs especially youth and pattern of denial of justice. Written by Jarnail Singh, the Journalist who hurled the shoe on P. Chidambaram to make the deaf hear and act is a book, which will take on a journey beyond mere numbers and facts and tell you the spine chilling stories.

Unlike When A Tree Shook Delhi, a book on the same topic, which basically talks about the legal battle for justice. This book talks about the sufferings of the victims, survivors and also explores, what has transpired in these 25 years. Basically, “nothing has happened in 25 years. There have been 11 commissions and committees. Hearings are still going on. Witnesses are dying. It has become a mockery of justice”, he insists.

Memories of an adolescence: The book starts with personal experience of the author as 11 year old boy, residing in Lajpat Nagar of South Delhi. “When the noise of the mob began to get louder, Mother told us to climb up to the oltee, the small space at the head of staircase, and hide there. Usually we only went up there while playing hide-and-seek – and we were always scolded for it; but today we were actually being told to do so. For a longtime my two brothers and I- we were… It was suffocating up in the attic. Mother had been too distracted to give us any food and we had not even had our breakfast that morning… “, he recalls. (p. 9-10) “The Park was our life. All three of us went to play and we found the other kids in the park were in the middle of the game of touch ball- where you have to hit the other players with the ball. The ball used to cost just fifty paise but the hits really hurt. The three of us took a while to realize that we were being hit hardest and most often. It dawned on us that the other boys were making us targets. It was not a game; it was a form of making us scapegoats. None other children were being treated that way.”, he notes. (p. 16)

Massacre not Riots: “The events following Indira Gandhi’s assassination were not riots, though that is what they are commonly called. Riots break out between two factions in confrontation with each other and both suffer the damage in greater or lesser degree. This violence was well organized. An estimated 5000 Sikh died across the country, but there is no record of even member of the mob being killed or charged.” he explains. (p. 25) He further notes, “The pattern in which the violence occurred, forced the Nanavati Commission to say, ‘The massacre was organized and carried out with precision’.” (p. 28)

Poisoning Generation Next: It is really heart rending to learn that, how deliberately children of widows were trapped in to drug addiction. The books notes, “…more than 200 young men have lost their lives to drugs.” (p. 120) The book further notes,” With fathers dead in riots brothers lost to the drug habit and helpless mothers, some girls have been forced to take prostitution. These innocent are being taken advantage of. Jagdish Singh admits that he knows that five to ten girls from their colony are fully in to this trade and there are probably at least fifty to sixty more.” (p. 124)

 

 

 

Protector or Partners in Crime: On the role of Police and other forces, which are considered to be protectors, Singh documents, how these forces worked hand in hand with mob and the planners of the massacre. “The job of the police during the three days of violence that gripped Delhi was, one, to scatter the Sikhs wherever they were collecting and two, to give the mob orders to attack, after seizing the Sikhs’ weapons. As so many of the affidavits recorded by the commissions of enquiry set up to investigate the violence of 1984 have note, this pattern was followed all over Delhi. First a crowd would gather and attack a gurdwara. If there was any resistance, the police would come to the help of attackers.” he sites. (p. 27-28)

Media Bias: The author was shocked and got disappointed to learn the role of Media during the days of massacre as he writes, “…(I)t was saddening to note that the newspapers of those critical days seemed as if they were asleep. Except for the Indian Express and the Hindi language Jansatta, owned by the same group, there was nothing on the violence in other major publications. One could not make out from these newspapers that on 31 October and 1, 2 and 3 November, 3000 Sikhs had been killed in national capital”. (p. 143) And he raise some unanswered questions, “Why was this so? Why did the national print media, which independent, do this? Murders in Delhi are widely covered, why not such a big massacre was reported. … (D)id some bias exist against the Sikhs in the media or was it because the media did not understand them ” ? (p. 144)

Lucid in language, packed with arguments and documents and full of emotions. With a short foreword from Khuswant Singh, in which he concludes, “It is a must read for all those who wish that such horrendous crimes do not take place again”.

 

 

By Mahtab Alam for TwoCircles.net

I Accuse: The Anti-Sikh Violence of 1984
By Jarnail Singh
Penguin/Viking | 165 pages | Rs 350

Public memory is short but what happened in October-November,1984 with Sikh in Delhi and other parts of India is not only unfortunate and shameful but is a scar that we as a nation, or society at the least, projected to be civilized and humane , should not and must not, be so hasty to wipe out of our collective memories.

The book under discussion is a detail account of not only what happened after assassination of Indira Gandhi by her body guards in terms of massacre but also its aftermath, long-term impact on Sikhs especially youth and pattern of denial of justice. Written by Jarnail Singh, the Journalist who hurled the shoe on P. Chidambaram to make the deaf hear and act is a book, which will take on a journey beyond mere numbers and facts and tell you the spine chilling stories.

Unlike When A Tree Shook Delhi, a book on the same topic, which basically talks about the legal battle for justice. This book talks about the sufferings of the victims, survivors and also explores, what has transpired in these 25 years. Basically, “nothing has happened in 25 years. There have been 11 commissions and committees. Hearings are still going on. Witnesses are dying. It has become a mockery of justice”, he insists.

Memories of an adolescence: The book starts with personal experience of the author as 11 year old boy, residing in Lajpat Nagar of South Delhi. “When the noise of the mob began to get louder, Mother told us to climb up to the oltee, the small space at the head of staircase, and hide there. Usually we only went up there while playing hide-and-seek – and we were always scolded for it; but today we were actually being told to do so. For a longtime my two brothers and I- we were… It was suffocating up in the attic. Mother had been too distracted to give us any food and we had not even had our breakfast that morning… “, he recalls. (p. 9-10) “The Park was our life. All three of us went to play and we found the other kids in the park were in the middle of the game of touch ball- where you have to hit the other players with the ball. The ball used to cost just fifty paise but the hits really hurt. The three of us took a while to realize that we were being hit hardest and most often. It dawned on us that the other boys were making us targets. It was not a game; it was a form of making us scapegoats. None other children were being treated that way.”, he notes. (p. 16)

Massacre not Riots: “The events following Indira Gandhi’s assassination were not riots, though that is what they are commonly called. Riots break out between two factions in confrontation with each other and both suffer the damage in greater or lesser degree. This violence was well organized. An estimated 5000 Sikh died across the country, but there is no record of even member of the mob being killed or charged.” he explains. (p. 25) He further notes, “The pattern in which the violence occurred, forced the Nanavati Commission to say, ‘The massacre was organized and carried out with precision’.” (p. 28)

Poisoning Generation Next: It is really heart rending to learn that, how deliberately children of widows were trapped in to drug addiction. The books notes, “…more than 200 young men have lost their lives to drugs.” (p. 120) The book further notes,” With fathers dead in riots brothers lost to the drug habit and helpless mothers, some girls have been forced to take prostitution. These innocent are being taken advantage of. Jagdish Singh admits that he knows that five to ten girls from their colony are fully in to this trade and there are probably at least fifty to sixty more.” (p. 124)

 

 

 

Protector or Partners in Crime: On the role of Police and other forces, which are considered to be protectors, Singh documents, how these forces worked hand in hand with mob and the planners of the massacre. “The job of the police during the three days of violence that gripped Delhi was, one, to scatter the Sikhs wherever they were collecting and two, to give the mob orders to attack, after seizing the Sikhs’ weapons. As so many of the affidavits recorded by the commissions of enquiry set up to investigate the violence of 1984 have note, this pattern was followed all over Delhi. First a crowd would gather and attack a gurdwara. If there was any resistance, the police would come to the help of attackers.” he sites. (p. 27-28)

Media Bias: The author was shocked and got disappointed to learn the role of Media during the days of massacre as he writes, “…(I)t was saddening to note that the newspapers of those critical days seemed as if they were asleep. Except for the Indian Express and the Hindi language Jansatta, owned by the same group, there was nothing on the violence in other major publications. One could not make out from these newspapers that on 31 October and 1, 2 and 3 November, 3000 Sikhs had been killed in national capital”. (p. 143) And he raise some unanswered questions, “Why was this so? Why did the national print media, which independent, do this? Murders in Delhi are widely covered, why not such a big massacre was reported. … (D)id some bias exist against the Sikhs in the media or was it because the media did not understand them ” ? (p. 144)

Lucid in language, packed with arguments and documents and full of emotions. With a short foreword from Khuswant Singh, in which he concludes, “It is a must read for all those who wish that such horrendous crimes do not take place again”.

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