Our Announcements

Not Found

Sorry, but you are looking for something that isn't here.

Archive for category Pakistan’s Hope

129th PMA Passing Out Parade

LETTER TO EDITOR

April 19th, 2014

129th PMA Passing Out Parade

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

It was really refreshing for an old soldier of the 7th PMA Long Course – commissioned February 1953 – and later PMA Ghaznavi Company Commander  (1967-69) to watch the 129th passing out parade of the PMA Kakul this morning. Many an old memory revived so vividly as if the 61 long years in between never existed ! Much has changed at the Rafiullah Drill Square since and pleasantly for the better too. The mere size of the smartly turned out parade – about 1200 cadets now against some 300 then – was highly impressive.  The Chief Guest, Prime Minister Nawaz Shareef was in his best and looked highly dignified and graceful. He had some very laudatory words for the army, its martyred heroes of the past decorated with the coveted Nishan e Haider, its present leadership like the COAS Gen. Raheel Sharif – a soldier and dedication personified – and the army’s important role in defending the integrity of the country with the entire nation ! at its back.   It was, as a matter of fact, highly reassuring and satisfying to hear such words from the PM and see the army and the ruling elite to be on the same page and frequency.  Nothing could be more than it as the need of the hour.

 

Incidentally, I believe there are female cadets also at the academy but I couldn’t find them taking part in the parade!  Why?

Col. Riaz Jafri (Retd)

E.mail: jafri@rifiela.com

No Comments

SENSE AND SENSIBILITY

 

 

Editor’s Note: This article was inadvertently published under a wrong authors’ name for which we apologise to its author Mr. Inayet Ullah, a Distinguished Writer for Pakistan think Tank Web Site.  

It is being republished as a courtesy and apology to him.

SENSE AND SENSIBILITY

 

 

Human Society is not something static, it changes and evolves, with the passage of time. The change may be for better or for worse.

 

As the circumstances of a country, at a particular time demand, the people of the country are prompted to put their heads together, work for it and bring about a desirable change.

 

A view of the world map reveals something interesting. As we move from west to east, we see that in addition to the geographical changes, the mental approach to life and social behaviour drastically changes in almost all eastern countries. The people of eastern countries are more religious, more formal and more emotional than those of the western countries. It is very interesting phenomenon that as soon as you enter the eastern region, most of these countries are found to have a remarkably poor economy, poverty, ignorance, backwardness, as if the geographical changes have something to do with the difference in man’s attitude and approach to life..

 

When things get worse, economy reaches the stage of total collapse, the country reaches the brink of bankruptcy and life becomes miserable, then the people wake up, start thinking, and according to the circumstances and available resources, they make joint efforts and bring about a desirable change. But this does not happen in Pakistan.

 

The  recent figures of foreign exchange reserves in Asian developing countries are like this: (In billion US$) Peoples Republic of China: 3,240, Japan: 1,272, South Korea: 312, Brazil: 372, India: 289, Pakistan: 6.59.

 

Not until very long ago, the Chinese nation was literally in deep slumber under the influence of opium. A huge population, with too many mouths to feed and very little food available. They realized the seriousness of the situation, made plannings and started working on it and today they are the largest exporters of the world and a booming economy.

 

South Korea sought advice from Pakistani economic and industrial experts and with the advices and suggestions so obtained, they planned and worked hard and today, after Japan, they are the most industrialized country of Asia.

 

Until recently, Brazil was known to be in the grip of corruption and poverty, but now they too have come out of their economic depression and are already moving towards a better economy.

 

Malaysia, Thailand, Indonesia have come out of their economic recession and are now exporters of their industrial products to the international market.  Even Bangladesh is recovering from a poverty stricken economy and is moving towards economic prosperity.

 

Nothing in Pakistan happens like this. Conditions in Pakistan are ripe enough, perhaps more ripe than in any other country to make the people realize the seriousness of the situation and urge them to act, but nothing happens. We suffer and groan under the burden of corruption, greed, unemployment, poverty, ever rising cost of living, lawlessness, crimes. But it never crosses our mind, like other nations, to think and do somethi8ng to change.

 

What you have is not important. It is whether you utilize, and how you utilize what you have, is what matters. What we have in Pakistan, we do not use it for our welfare. We either leave it unutilized or plunder and squander it away.

 

Nature has gifted us with the natural resources like minerals, natural gas, oil, agricultural lands, rivers, sea ports, toiling manpower and talent, needed to put any country on the road of progress and prosperity. With these resources, we can make this country as one of the most prosperous countries of the region in a very short time. What we are lacking is the will to act.

 

A question that keeps recurring in mind is why this is so. Why we Pakistanis do not ponder and act. Are we doomed? Are we left with not even an iota of self-respect? Can nothing wake us p? Is our conscience completely dead?

 

I think Pakistan will make a very good subject for the psychologists and sociologists, and it will not be a bad idea at all for them to conduct researches to trace out and identify the roots and causes of our insensibility. Why are we unmindful of and unmoved by our pathetic conditions? Why are we so insensible, impudent and complacent?

, , ,

No Comments

The Military Bashing – Impact?

The Military Bashing
By
Waheed Hamid
 
The Pakistan  Army enjoys a unique position of  love and trust which it has acquired from the people of Pakistan. The Army is looked upon as part of the solution to all problems, a panacea, an “AmritDhara” as most of its ranks from a soldier to a general belong to the class which has its roots in the public. Today we find a definite   effort  to make it  look  as part of all problems.
 
UnknownThe international media then local media, a few politicians and now unfortunately government officials have joined  the chorus.  Interior Minister Chaudhry Nisar Ali Khan while talking to a private channel said, Gen. Ashfaque Pervez Kayani has kept himself away from politics but people like Gen. Pasha still exist in the army which need to be purged.
 
While speaking on Balochistan he criticized the law enforcers more than condemning the terrorist. Hamid Mir of GEO regularly spreads hatred and blame on ISI and the Generals.
 
On the Karachi situation Nisar,s comments again focused on the army and he did show his reservations on the public appealing to the Army Chief  for peace in Karachi and called it  an insult to the Parliament.
 
The virus of Army bashing has spread deep and wide forgetting that 150.000 officers and men have been fighting the enemies of state in Swat, Bajaur, South Waziristan and North Waziristan for the last so many  years. Over 5000 soldiers have been martyred and 20.000 injured. How many word of sympathy from political leaders, government functionaries or media, not a single visit by President, the Commander-in-Chief, the Prime Minister, any other minister, senator or MNA, negligible condolence meetings. No good wishes or moral support for soldiers and officers or their bereaved families.
 
images-2Army knows that it draws moral sustenance from civil society and other pillars. Despite all this army keeps receiving a wave of criticism even from local players which remains far from truth but it dares to remain silent.
The Army has to accept a partial blame of getting into such a  position  . Indifference of the Army has been palpable and conspicuous . It never took cognizance of the changing mode of the civil society and the government. It has never tried to educate the civil society or challenge the recalcitrant and tormentors, cultivate the media or access the establishment, politicians and other stake holders. The simplistic view of only guarding the frontiers and not watching the psychological aspect of warfare hitting the local is a negligence for which it is paying.
 
However it remains a question that who had to guard their soldiers against such propaganda and is it not asking too much from army to accord physical as well as psychological  protection. 
 
We find few a Pakistanis playing with the enemies to make us believe that the Army is a financial drag on national economy. It consumes largest chunk of budget at the cost of health, education, infrastructure and civic amenities for the public.
 
  Dr Farrukh  in his article “Military”holds the figure to prove that major portions are eaten by debt servicing, subsidy to public sector enterprises and Public Sector Development Programmes. He neglected to mention massive leakage through corruption, inefficiency and incompetence. The three services all together is consuming only 17 percent of all government expenditure, and only 2.5 percent of GDP brought down from 3.6 percent over a decade.
 
pak navy by pak defence blog by mubashir taqiAccording to Dr Farrukh, more than fifty countries are spending greater Coalition Support Fund, while the fact is that Army has received less than two billion Dollars out of ten billion Dollars released by US Government.
 
  Mubashar Luqman in his program proves India is Pakistan centric through the deployments of Indian army and yet a few Pakistanis criticize Army being India centric. The ratio of defence budget between India and Pak was 1-3 ratio but now this ratio has become 1-6. The reason is that budget was reduced to 18 percent and if we keep doing this under the misperception of the ones who  keep working on personal business interests at cost of national interests will we not compromise on our defence.
 
A part of  society , bureaucrats, politicians and so called intelligentsia grudge Army’s indulgence in commercial activities.
 
Facts are twisted, lies fed to the public that commercial enterprises of Army are subsidized by state, that Army is exempted from paying duties and taxes, that such indulgence adversely affects operational readiness. Ayesha Siddiqa was paid by US to write her pack of lies against her own country,s Armed Forces
 
Army has never tried to defend itself or educate the public. Defense Housing Authorities and Askari Housing Schemes are maligned to no limit. Housing authorities are blamed for acquiring State land at throw away prices. The  land for these schemes are  purchased from open market Housing Schemes provide decent living to retired officers and men. The management skills of these society with clean and fraud less environment tend to raise the prices of plots through open market system. Each army person pays for his plot and its development charges . Army Housing Schemes and Defense Housing Authorities are criticized, yet most dream of living in the areas, because of its clean ambiance, safety and security, civic amenities.
 
Few know  that Army’s indulgence in commercial activities is motivated by the urge of providing welfare to retired-personnel who retire at an early age of 40-45 years. It does not affect preparedness for war. Officers and men on active duty are not posted to these concerns.
 
“Great nations know that value of a school teacher is more than a general in peace time and in war a Sepoy assumes priority over vice chancellor of university therefore they invest in both to uphold sovereignty and integrity of the nation”.
 
To our unfortunate luck we fail to condemn those who are destroying our schools and are ensuring a dark future of the coming generation.
 
However, we keep falling prey to foreign propaganda in criticizing the ones who are fighting and sacrificing their today for our tomorrow not realizing their job is different. To move towards the bullet when it leaves the enemy’s barrel.


 
COMMENTS:
 
We need maturity as a nation but more so by those in power. People at the top have to develop sense of responsibility and learn to remain quite if they do not know the facts. Trying to demonize your own Armed Forces can have serious consequences for the nation. 
Our media must realize that independence of media does not mean a license to tell lies or become a tool in the hands of our enemies… mh
Fauj sub Khaa Gayee – The Fact is that We collect only 10% of the actual revenue that Pakistan can generate. This forms the backbone of our budget of which in 2012, 16 % went to Defence. If we collected 20% of Revenue, Defence would consume 8% and if we collected 40% this figure would reduce to 4%, and if we collected 80% like Western countries we would be spendind only 2% on Defence. So where is the problem? Defence spending or Tax collection? With Non Tax Payers flooding Parliament do we expect them to focus on Tax Collection while they have a “whipping boy” who does not even whimper…
Waheed Hameed
Waheed has pointed out the current state of Army Bashing so popular and in vogue with our politicians and the Parliament these days  but has not included the effects of this bashing on the morale and psychological state of mind of all soldiers. Include in this the current glee our Anchors and politicians are having at Musharraf,s trial. It is not just for the hatred of Musharraf but it is also for humiliation of an Army Chief. What then is the remedy.? The Army leadership has to think hard and ensure that this great institution of which we are all rightly so proud and which has come to the rescue of the Nation in all calamities and against all dangers is not destroyed. Not by our known enemies but at the hands of those it has helped in coming to power through providing a favorable environment for democracy. Is this the revenge of democracy which the politicians talked about. Despair in the face of continuous attacks and unjustified blame game is a dangerous state.

, , ,

No Comments

From 1947 to 2013 – A Message of Naya Pakistan

 
 
 
 
 
 
 

The Birth of Pakistan

The Birth of Pakistan

The British Parliament passed the Indian Independence Act on July 18, 1947. The Act created two dominions, Indian Union and Pakistan. It also provided for the complete end of British control over Indian affairs from August 15, 1947. The Muslims of the Sub-continent had finally achieved their goal to have an independent state for themselves, but only after a long and relentless struggle under the single-minded guidance of the Quaid.

The Muslims faced a gamut of problems immediately after independence. However, keeping true to their traditions, they overcame them after a while. Quaid-i-Azam Muhammad Ali Jinnah was appointed the first Governor General of Pakistan and Liaquat Ali Khan became its first Prime Minister. Pakistan became a dominion within the British Commonwealth of Nations.

The boundaries of Pakistan emerged on the map of the world in 1947. This was accomplished on the basis of the Two-Nation Theory. This theory held that there were two nations, Hindus and Muslims living in the territory of the Sub-continent. Sir Syed Ahmad Khan was the first exponent of the Two-Nation Theory in the modern era. He believed that India was a continent and not a country, and that among the vast population of different races and different creeds, Hindus and Muslims were the two major nations on the basis of nationality, religion, way-of-life, customs, traditions, culture and historical conditions.

The politicization of the Muslim community came about as a consequence of three developments:

  • Various efforts towards Islamic reform and revival during the late 19th and early 20th centuries.
  • The impact of Hindu-based nationalism.
  • The democratization of the government of British India.

While the antecedents of Muslim nationalism in India go back to the early Islamic conquests of the Sub-continent, organizationally it stems from the demands presented by the Simla Deputation to Lord Minto, the Governor General of India, in October 1906, proposing separate electorates for the Indian Muslims. The principal reason behind this demand was the maintenance of a separate identity of the Muslim nationhood.

In the same year, the founding of the All India Muslim League, a separate political organization for Muslims, elucidated the fact that the Muslims of India had lost trust in the Hindu-dominated Indian National Congress. Besides being a Hindu-dominated body, the Congress leaders in order to win grass-root support for their political movements, used Hindu religious symbols and slogans, thereby arousing Muslim suspicions regarding the secular character of the Congress.

Events like the Urdu-Hindi controversy (1867), the partition of Bengal (1905), and Hindu revivalism, set the two nations, the Hindus and the Muslims, further apart. Re-annulment of the partition of Bengal in 1911 by the British government brought the Congress and the Muslim League on one platform. Starting with the constitutional cooperation in the Lucknow Pact (1916), they launched the Non-Cooperation and Khilafat Movements to press upon the British government the demand for constitutional reforms in India in the post-World War I era.

But after the collapse of the Khilafat Movement, Hindu-Muslim antagonism was revived once again. The Muslim League rejected the proposals forwarded by the Nehru Report and they chose a separate path for themselves. The idea of a separate homeland for the Muslims of Northern India as proposed by Allama Iqbal in his famous Allahabad Address showed that the creation of two separate states for the Muslims and Hindus was the only solution. The idea was reiterated during the Sindh provincial meeting of the League, and finally adopted as the official League position in the Lahore Declaration of March 23, 1940.

Thus these historical, cultural, religious and social differences between the two nations accelerated the pace of political developments, finally leading to the division of British India into two separate, independent states, Pakistan and India, on August 14 & 15, 1947, respectively. (Courtesy: Story of Pakistan)

No Comments

A BOOK REVIEW BY DAVID WATERMAN: Pakistan: Beyond the ‘Crisis State’ by Ambassador Dr.Maleeha Lodhi

Pakistaniaat : A Journal of Pakistan Studies Vol. 3, No. 3 (2011)

Unknown-3Pakistan: Beyond the ‘Crisis State’

Reviewed by David Waterman

Pakistan: Beyond the ‘Crisis State.’ Maleeha Lodhi, ed. London: Hurst and

Company, 2011. 391 pages. ISBN-13: 978-1-84904-135-5.

Maleeha Lodhi, as the editor of Pakistan: Beyond the ‘Crisis State,’ has managed

to assemble some of Pakistan’s most influential academics, writers, economists

and policymakers in one volume, designed to give an insider’s perspective on

Pakistan’s “crisis” from diverse angles, and more importantly, to suggest

solutions regarding Pakistan’s obvious potential for a better future. The book is

not a collection of conference proceedings, but rather the product of a virtual

conference in cyberspace, discussing themes of “governance, security, economic

and human development and foreign policy […] what binds all the distinguished

contributors is their belief that Pakistan’s challenges are surmountable and the

impetus for change and renewal can only come from within, through bold reforms

that are identified in the chapters that follow” (3).

The first few chapters concentrate on Pakistan’s history and the sense of a

Pakistani identity, now that the country has existed in very concrete terms for

sixty-five years or so. Ayesha Jalal suggests that Pakistan’s path toward a

national identity for its heterogeneous people has been interrupted, as its history

has been co-opted for “political and ideological reasons” (11). Pakistan’s position

vis-à-vis India, militant Islam and 9/11 are all important factors in the equation as

well. Akbar Ahmed recalls Jinnah’s role not only in the founding of the nation,

but his continuing legacy in terms of an equilibrium between Islam and the State;

Jinnah’s thoughts are in large part gleaned from his speeches and letters, as he left

no monograph before his death (23). Mohsin Hamid, author of Moth Smoke and

The Reluctant Fundamentalist (filming for the movie has apparently begun),

assumes his mantle of engaged journalist in an essay entitled “Why Pakistan will

Survive.” His argument is best summed up as follows: “we are not as poor as we

like to think” (41), highlighting Pakistan’s strength in diversity, and in economic

terms, Hamid suggests that something as simple as a coherent, fair tax code could

allow the nation to concentrate on schools and healthcare, while cutting the

strings of American aid and its corresponding intervention in Pakistan’s affairs.

Maleeha Lodhi’s own chapter is a detailed overview of contemporary history,

calling attention to political asymmetry, clientelist politics and borrowed growth

David Waterman

as well as security concerns and regional pressures on national unity; ultimately

she calls for a “new politics that connects governance to public purpose” (78).

The essays then move into more political themes, and the first among them

discusses the army as a central element of Pakistani political, and indeed

corporate, life. Shuja Nawaz argues that while the army has historically been a

significant power broker, the generation of commanders from the Zia and

Musharraf eras is about to retire, thus promising the possibility of change,

including the realization that “counterinsurgency operations are 90 per cent

political and economic and only 10 per cent military” (93). Saeed Shafqat also

discusses the political role of the military, saying that while elections are of

course essential to democracy, more attention needs to be paid to the rule of law

and the incorporation of cultural pluralism (95), never forgetting the role of

various elites within the process; he suggests that the emergence of coalition

politics is a hopeful sign. Islam’s role in politics is the focus of Ziad Haider’s

essay, tracing its evolution from Jinnah’s comments through the Munir report,

Islamization under Zia and Talibanization to the “This is Not Us” movement

(129) and the hope that moderate Islam represents the future of Pakistan. A

chapter entitled “Battling Militancy,” by Zahid Hussain, continues the discussion,

tracing the development of jihadist politics given the situation in Afghanistan.

The focus then shifts to economic policy, beginning with Ishrat Husain’s

insistence that economic policies cannot remain sound without solid institutions

behind them; he cites the long-term nature of economic progress, while successive

governments seem interested only in short-term horizons (149-150). Meekal

Ahmed follows the Pakistani economy from the early sixties and periods of

relative health, through Ayub Khan’s era, also a time of economic stability, which

changes under Bhutto and his nationalization programs, and since then has gone

from crisis to crisis, both the government and poor IMF oversight bearing a share

of the blame. Competitiveness is the key concept for Muddassar Mazhar Malik,

who reminds us that Pakistan is “open for business” despite many challenges to

overcome, citing economic potential, natural resources and strategic location as

strong points (201). Ziad Alahdad then shifts the focus to energy, a sector in

crisis which then has an enormous impact on Pakistan’s economy, all of this in a

country with abundant natural energy resources; a more coherent exploitation of

Integrated Energy Planning would be part of an overall solution (240).

Strategic issues then occupy several chapters, beginning interestingly with

education as part of the formula, as advanced by Shanza Khan and Moeed Yusuf,

who suggest that politically-neutral education is the foundation not only of

Pakistaniaat : A Journal of Pakistan Studies Vol. 3, No. 3 (2011)

economic development but also the means to resist violent extremism by building

expectations and supplying hope, especially for the young. Pakistan of course

possesses nuclear weapons, and Feroz Hassan Khan asks the question, wondering

if its nuclear capability has allowed Pakistan to focus itself on other priorities, in

other words averting wars rather than fighting them, to paraphrase Bernard

Brodie, cited in Khan’s essay (268). Munir Akram’s essay, “Reversing Strategic

‘Shrinkage,’ highlights Pakistan’s current challenges: the Pakistani Taliban’s

attacks in KP and large cities; Pakistan’s involvement in Afghanistan; Balochi

alienation; economic stagnation; energy crises; growing poverty, all of which

have contributed to “a dangerous mood of national pessimism,” according to

Akram (284). Afghanistan occupies Ahmed Rashid’s attention, as it has for over

thirty years now; he critiques strategic claims that have become worn with time,

such as the need for strategic depth for Pakistan (although the notion of ‘strategic

depth’ changes when a country becomes a nuclear power), or India’s desire

(among other countries) to gain influence in Kabul (314-315). The final essay,

“The India Factor,” culminates the volume by tracing the tumultuous relations

between the two nuclear-armed neighbors, the bumpy road to peace, the effect of

the 2008 Mumbai attacks, all within the context of peoples who have not

forgotten the trauma of Partition and the secession of East Pakistan. In spite of

the obstacles, Syed Rifaat Hussain lists many of the promising agreements that

have been reached or are in progress, an encouraging sign and a reminder that

good relations are beneficial to both nations.

Human development, Maleeha Lodhi remarks in a concluding note, must

be Pakistan’s priority, and is within reach, as all of the contributors to the volume

insist. Lodhi summarizes thus: “Electoral and political reforms that foster greater

and more active participation by Pakistan’s growing educated middle class will

open up possibilities for the transformation of an increasingly dysfunctional,

patronage-dominated polity into one that is able to tap the resilience of the people

and meet their needs” (350). Pakistan: Beyond the ‘Crisis State’ is a fine piece

of work, written by specialists for an audience of intelligent non-specialists, and

achieves its objective admirably. Maleeha Lodhi has succeeded remarkably in her

edition of this gathering of clear-sighted experts, who never lose sight of

Pakistan’s potential beyond its current challenges.

, , ,

No Comments