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Posted by admin in Pakistan-A Nation of Hope on April 5th, 2014
As US president Barack Obama looks to mend ties with Saudi Arabia in Riyadh today, the Saudis hope to shore up regional support. Their $1.5 billion gift has raised suspicions among Pakistanis.
By Taha Siddiqui, Correspondent / March 28, 2014
ISLAMABAD, PAKISTAN
News that hasn’t hit the headlines – yet
Pakistan announced last week that it received a $1.5 billion grant from Saudi Arabia, which it termed a “friendly gift” and an “unconditional grant.”
Pakistan and Saudi Arabia have long had warm ties, but the no-strings-attached gift sparked immediate concern from Pakistani journalists, security experts, and opposition politicians, who question whether the grant is part of a behind-the-scenes deal for Pakistan to provide weapons for Syrian rebels.
“There are no free lunches in foreign diplomacy,” says Baqir Sajjad, a journalist at Pakistan’s Dawn newspaper, which has published articles questioning the deal.
The grant was confirmed at a briefing by Pakistan Prime Minister Nawaz Sharif’s advisor on national security and foreign affairs, who also said that Saudi Arabia had agreed to purchase weapons from Pakistan.
The Pakistan government declined to specify what kind of weapons the Kingdom was looking for and denied that any arms purchased by Saudi Arabia will be sent to Syria. Pakistan, which has the sixth-largest army in the world, is known as a major arms importer, but it also sells fighter jets, anti-tank missiles, armored personal carriers, and small arms to Sri Lanka, Iraq, and Malaysia.
Ayesha Siddiqa, a defense expert based in Islamabad, says that Saudi Arabia – who is desperate to counter arch-rival Iran’s support for the Syrian regime and has publicly called for arming Syrian rebels – may want to buy weapons from Pakistan rather than other countries because Pakistan cannot enforce an agreement about where the arms end up.
Posted by admin in Pakistan-A Nation of Hope on April 5th, 2014
A nine-month-old boy has appeared in court in Pakistan on charges of planning a murder, threatening police and interfering in state affairs, it appears.
Baby Muhammad Mosa Khan is one of more than 30 people facing charges after a police raid to catch suspected gas thieves in the city of Lahore, The News website reports. Police say the suspects tried to murder security officers by pelting them with stones. But the Times of India newspaper quotes the infant’s father as saying the group was protesting an electricity shortage.
The infant appeared in the courtroom sitting on his father’s lap – who is also accused – and clasping a feeder. He was given bail and the case has been adjourned until 12 April, reports from Lahore say.
The murder charges against a baby have alarmed Punjab’s Chief Minister Muhammad Shahbaz Sharif. He has asked for clarification from the province’s inspector-general of police and demanded “stern action” against the officials who registered the case.
The assistant superintendant who filed the charges has subsequently been suspended, The Nation website says.
Posted by admin in Pakistan-A Nation of Hope on April 5th, 2014
Myth & Reality about Devaluation of US Dollar
Myth & Reality about Devaluation of US Dollar
The inherent motive behind lowering value of the US dollar against the Pak Rupee.When Nawaz’s younger son Hasan launched Flagship Holdings in London in 2002-03 (it is closed down now)–it also introduced establishment of a ‘hedge fund’ with an investment of £300 million ($500 million). The Flagship thrived unprecedentedly, during the past ten years, on the strengthen of:1) Cash flow of £300 million ($500 million)–which the Sharifs had in 2003–now it may be a cash flow in excess of £3 billion ($5 billion).
2) Easy money transfer protocols through UK, India and Dubai (as the Iranians are doing under international banking sanctions). This money laundering stunt in the West is a complete eyewash–one can bring into UK millions of pounds after paying commission to the UK banks and intermediary financial handlers, who in turn will legalise everything for the fund-bringer. Which is why since 2007–more than 1,000 Pakistani politicians, bureaucrats and dodgy businessmen have purchased properties in the UK worth £5 billion (more than $8 billion), and nothing has precluded them from doing so.
3) Clockwise and anti-clockwise fund-purchasing. The Sharifs and their larcenous munshi Ishaq Dar have divided the financial year into 3-4 revolves. In one revolve (say: June to September 2013)–they increased the value of dollar as $1=Rs 111, and brought home say: $1 billion in cash–which got them Rs 111 billion. If they bring in secretly (which they easily can–having their own bank chiefs) $5 billion–pretending it as a foreign remittance per quarter (revolve), they will get Rs 555 billion. In my understanding–the Sharifs made Rs 50-100 billion ($500 to $900 million) during the first four months of their government (June to October 2013).
During the second revolve–they kept things stable @ $1=Rs 111, and recycled that money within the country for 3/4 months (October 2013 to February 2014), and bought essential commodities (rice, wheat, sugar, lentils, cooking oil, livestock and petrol/diesel). In the next two/three years–the Sharifs (applying the Jewish and Hindus sahukaar monopolistic model) have intend to hijack the commodity sector under fake names. They plan to paralyse the country by hoarding these commodities, if a military takeover occurs or a hostile political group takes over in Pakistan. They are carrying out this commodity monopolisation in partnership with international traders of Britain/EU/India/UAE/Brazil/Australia and so forth–so that the military (or non-friendly political elite) government collapses more quickly after failing to withstand international pressure.
In the third revolve (March to May/June 2014–before the Budget)–as they have hundreds of billions of rupees, say: Rs 100 billion ($900 million) from first revolve (June-September 2013). They also had more than Rs 220 billion ($2 billion), spared/left over from bulk note printing of Rs 850 billion which they did between June and July 2013. By end of February 2014, the Sharifs had more than Rs 320 billion in personal coffer. If they buy dollars for that, by dividing them with 111–they could get $2.882 billion. But by lowering the dollar value to $1= Rs 99 they will now get $3.233 billion. This means that this dollar devaluation will now get them an extra $351 million within nine months of their rule (June 2013 to March 2014). What a satanic business, isn’t it?
With an unparalleled experience of three decades in banking/business frauds–the Sharifs are in a strong position to manipulate the State Bank and other five main Pakistani banks (National, Habib, MCB, Allied and UBL). They have all major stock exchanges under control and SECP (Securities and Exchange Commission of Pakistan) is spineless.
Soon, the Sharifs will print more Pak rupee notes at the Security Printing Press, and will buy the dollars/pounds from every money exchange shop in the country.
Lets see if the dollar sustains at $1= under Rs 100, during the next three months. What I think is–they will devalue Pak rupee again to $1= Rs 111 (even beyond) after the budget.They also intend to pocket $5 billion from sale of 18 major state enterprises. By the end of 2014–they will have made $10 billion from the business of governing Pakistan through a corrupt/rotten system called Mian/Zardari democracy.
They know they can NOT win the next general election–whenever they are. Asif Zardari also knows that PPP will not come to power either, in near future. What Nawaz is doing is–hiding Zardari regime’s brazen malfeasance, and in turn the PPP is supporting the Sharifs’ obnoxious ‘democracy’.———————————————————— —————————— —————————— ————————
Posted by admin in Pakistan-A Nation of Hope on April 4th, 2014
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His mate, however, turned to his own sacred corner, where there were gathered symbols of the Sikh religion. Their prayers over, they returned to their chores, oblivious to the history they had created. It wasn’t that the PMA proscribed other forms of worship; there simply hadn’t been a Sikh cadet till then.
Narrating this story is Hercharn Singh, Pakistan’s first Sikh officer and a symbol of the changing face of its army. Now 23, dressed in a smart khaki uniform and sporting a solitary star on his shoulder, Lieutenant Singh and I are sitting in the posh Officers’ Mess of Malir cantonment, Karachi. Providing us company are Capt Danish in his Rangers uniform and Capt Aneel Kumar, both Hindu and doctors at the Combined Military Hospital. Capt Danish (who says he’s just Danish) is considered the first Hindu officer of the army.
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The others—Hindu and Christian—at least look like ‘ordinary’ cadets.”
For nearly two years now, Outlook has been seeking access to Singh and the two Hindu officers. It took months of persistent lobbying by the Inter Services Public Relations director-general, Gen Athar Abbas, before the army agreed to allow an Indian publication to interview the three officers. As Col Atif coordinated to fly me to Karachi last week, new obstacles kept surfacing. Lt Col Idrees Malik had to implore his superiors to grant permission for Singh to miss a day’s class of the course he’s taking, and bring Capt Danish from interior Sindh.
At the officers’ mess, amidst smiles and a display of palpable pride, Singh begins his story from the day his romance sparked with the Pakistan army. Like all such stories, it was ignited with a chance glimpse and an irrepressible tug at the heartstrings. It was nearly three years ago, and he and his friends had decided to apply to the prestigious National College of Arts (NCA) in Lahore. On the way, they passed an army recruitment centre. Something about it spoke to him, perhaps. “But no one had any idea of a Sikh being allowed entry into Pakistan’s military institutions,” Singh recalls.
Singh got admission to the NCA but he decided to visit the recruitment centre to make inquiries. When told the law didn’t proscribe Sikhs from the army, he promptly submitted an application, apparently arousing curiosity at the centre even then about the “Sikh who wants to join the army”.
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He was selected, in the process grabbing headlines countrywide. But his family was opposed to him joining the army, the elders wanting him to head the business of his deceased father. And then there was Singh’s mother who believed a career in the army would shame the family. Shame? “All our lives our community had been ridiculed. Especially in the electronic media where Sikhs were portrayed as drunks, womanisers and villains. My mother said that I wouldn’t be respected and this would bring shame to the family.”
At the PMA, the callow, sensitive Sardarji was baffled by some insensitive souls asking him to convert to Islam. “I wondered what kind of people are these who are not happy with the way I am, who offered to convert me. I didn’t mind jokes about Sikhs because these are so common,” he says wryly. But at Kakul, with young cadets and their irritating inquisitiveness, it took some chutzpah to ensure his religion or culture was not compromised. But he had his sergeant on his side. As Singh puts it, “My sergeant told me I was free to follow my religion and that everything would be done to make me comfortable.”
Singh now did two things—he told his room-mate if they had to share a room they must show tolerance for each other’s religious codes of living; his second act was daring and sagacious. He approached the commandant to make a presentation about his faith. “With the help of a documentary from the Golden Temple and my own literature I gave a presentation about the Sikh religion and culture. I explained why I looked the way I did, the symbols of faith a Sikh is never found without. Then I asked for questions,” says Singh, bubbling with confidence. “In the next two years at the PMA, no questions were asked.”
But Singh’s glory days didn’t end at the PMA. His excellent drill at Kakul prompted the army to choose him for guard duty at the Quaid-e-Azam Mazar, or the mausoleum of Mohammed Ali Jinnah. “I couldn’t believe it, no Sikh here could even imagine such a thing.” In these days of jehadi intolerance, a new chapter had opened. Of course, it was also a huge PR win-win situation, his duty at the mausoleum invited international media attention, and his family was flooded with calls from Sikhs the world over.
The induction of Singh, Danish and Aneel marks a revolutionary change for the Pakistan army, but then it poses new challenges too. The sheer enormity of this change can be gleaned from a reading of Dr Aneela Zeb Babar’s Texts of War: The Religio-Military Nexus in Pakistan and India. She writes, “In Pakistan, the military officer is not just a professional. Placed on a pedestal, he is glorified as a hero. The public feels he is performing his religious duty…. All advertisements for recruitment in the Pakistan military and all publicity material start with Quranic verses.” Dr Babar quotes junior Muslim officers describing their motivational lectures, “We are taught that in the Quran one Muslim is equal to 10 kafirs and after every lecture, slogans praising God and caliph Ali are raised.” Will the trio’s induction prompt a change now in the army’s ethos, perhaps a dilution of its Islamic orientation or at least some understanding of those officers who belong to minority communities.
Perhaps this is already happening—the three non-Muslim officers, like most others here, wear their religion on their sleeves with a confidence quite remarkable for their age and ambience. Both Danish and Aneel testify to this. “We are very comfortable with our Hindu faith. We too had been assured by the sergeant (during their training) that we were free to worship as we wanted and if there was any way he could help, we shouldn’t hesitate to come to him.” Danish, incidentally, hails from the remote poverty-stricken Tharparkar, and graduated as a doctor before he saw an advertisement for a post in the army. He applied without taking his family into confidence and was selected. “Initially, there were constraints…about how a Hindu could fit in the army but today they are proud of me and I have even been sent to Wana (a tribal area) to deal with patients there. It was a very different experience. The place and people were so different from the desert of Sindh,” he says.
Aneel, who belongs to Hyderabad, says the army’s ignorance about religions other than Islam is matched by the Hindu community’s sketchy knowledge about cantonment life. “People from my community had earlier interacted only with the police…we had no idea what the army was like,” admits Aneel, even as he expresses hope that youth from his community would see Danish and him as role models and strive to join the officer cadre. Singh, however, doubts whether many Sikhs would join the army, largely because his community is engaged in business with their counterparts in India. Army officers who have relatives doing business with Indians would be a major problem, Singh declares.
For Sikhs at least, an army career marks a snapping of the umbilical cord tying them to religious places in India. Singh, for instance, has given up on his dream of visiting the Golden Temple in Amritsar. “I am a Pakistani army officer now and I can’t even think of performing my religious duties in India. Even my mother will not be allowed to go, with a son in the army,” he laments.
So what do these three officers think of Pakistan going to war in the future? They reply in unison, “We are now a nuclear power. Besides, there are so many internal threats.” I ask them the question which most insular Pakistanis harbour in their hearts: would they be willing to kill others of their faith in a war? Danish replies, “Of course, we will or else we will be killed. Even our mothers will not ask us why we fired, they will just be glad that we survived.”
Both Danish and Anil don’t nurture lofty ambitions, hoping to negotiate one step at a time in the army. What about Singh? “Well, I have set my sight on wearing red pips, that is become a brigadier,” he says. When I tell him that army rules don’t debar him from the rank of Chief of Army Staff, his eyes glitter and a smile lights up his face.