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Archive for April, 2014

ISLAMABAD PROSTITUTES ARE DOING ROARING BUSINESS UNDER NAWAZ SHARIF/ZARDARI & PMLN/PPP PATRONAGE: A HISTORICAL LOOK AT THEIR ROLE IN DESTRUCTION OF PAKISTAN

WARNING : GRAPHIC PICTURES SHOWING DEPRAVITY IN ISLAMABAD

 

DESTRUCTION OF PAKISTAN’S VALUES 

 

BY

 

NAWAZ SHARIF/ASIF ZARDARI’S/PMLN/PPP’s

 

COMBINE

 


 

GENERAL RAHEEL SHABBIR

&

PAKISTAN ARMY TAKE NOTICE

 

 

 

 

PAKISTAN IS BEING DESTROYED FROM WITHIN

LOTS OF CENTRAL ASIA WOMEN WORK FOR FOREIGN INTELLIGENCE AGENCIES INCLUDING RAW

 

ISLAMABAD PROSTITUTES — — USE FACEBOOK IS — — USED TO CONNECT TO JOHNS OR CLIENTS

 

PAKISTAN THINK TANK IS ALERTING PEOPLE OF PAKISTAN ON WHAT IS GOING ON IN “ISLAM” ABAD UNDER NAWAZ SHARIF & ASIF ZARDARI’S LEADERSHIP. THE PATRONS OF THESE PROSTITUTES ARE PAKISTAN’S ELITE, MNAs,MPAs From PUNJAB, SIND, KPK, & BALOCHISTAN.

ISLAMABAD PROSTITUTES SERVING BHUTTO,YAHYA, KHAR NOW BACK IN BUSINESS WITH CENTRAL ASIAN AND HIRA MANDI WOMEN:

HOW THEY HARM PAKISTAN-GENERAL RANI, A HISTORICAL ROLE MODEL

 

FACEBOOK PORTAL BEING — — USED BY PROSTITUTES:

 

Islamabad Aunties sex

 

 

ISLAMABAD PROSTITUTES SERVING BHUTTO,YAHYA, KHAR

NOW BACK IN BUSINESS WITH NEW CROP OF CENTRAL ASIAN WOMEN FOR PMLN/PPP MNAs:

 

 
 
 
Cover Photo

 
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HOW THEY HARM PAKISTAN-GENERAL RANI, A HISTORICAL MODEL 

 

THIS IS NAWAZ SHARIF’S ISLAMABAD

Night of The General

YOUNG GENERAL RANI

 

 

 

 

 

 

Once among the country’s most influential individuals, General Rani is now just a faded page in the country’s history books.

The woman was a phenomenon. Easily the most influential figure during Pakistan’s second military regime, with the slightest gesture of her bejewelled hand she could guarantee employment, ensure promotions and bring about unwelcome transfers. Yet, interestingly, few even know her real name: Akleem Akhtar. General Rani she was, and remains to all but an intimate few.
There are enough reasons for the lady’s ascension to local legend status. In her glory days she seemed omnipotent and was brazen about her exploits. And now, even while suffering from breast cancer that has led to metastasis in the liver and kidney, bedridden and in semi-seclusion, she remains spirited and outspoken.
Yet, doing a story on her was probably the most difficult assignment I have undertaken. For one thing, everyone I was certain was acquainted with her, was reluctant to even own up to the fact that they knew her. So, for starters, I made a call to her daughter, Aroosa Alam, the defence journalist for the Pakistan Observer and the news coordinator for the Middle East Broadcasting Company, and pop star Fakhre Alam’s mother.
Aroosa nipped all efforts at contact with her mother in the bud, claiming that not only was General Rani far too unwell to entertain visitors, but also, her brothers were completely against their mother appearing in the press. “My mother has been hurt sufficiently by the media already; we don’t want her private life exploited any further,” stated a stern Aroosa.
A call to Naureen and Arshad Sami, Adnan Sami Khan’s parents, proved equally unsuccessful. Although General Rani is Naureen’s maternal aunt, she politely but firmly denied even knowing the lady. There was a similar response from Zil-e-Huma, whose mother Madame Nur Jehan’s friendship with General Rani was legion. Huma completely denied any knowledge of the woman.

A journalist working for the Jang group, Maqsood Butt nearly had an apoplexy when I mentioned the story I was working on. While in the past Maqsood Butt had written extensively on this topic and is said to have close ties with the family, he has for several years, refrained from even bringing up her name in an article.
“I promised her that I would never talk about her or her family again,” he stated nervously and refused to help me in any way.
Clearly, the woman I was seeking out was no ordinary woman. As I kept running into a blind alley and became increasingly despondent, General Rani’s lawyers, S. M. Zafar and Ijaz Batalvi, Mustafa Khar, and a few journalists and government officials who wish to remain anonymous, appeared like beacons and lit my way.
A sneak visit was arranged to General Rani’s house and thereupon begins this story.
The house General Rani resides in is rather small, with little more than a handkerchief-sized lawn in front, and the main door opening into a virtually non-existent hall that leads straight to her room. There was an air of neglect about the house; the garden was unkempt and the floor unswept. General Rani was lying in bed. My first impression was one of shock. Having visualised an elegant, elderly woman, I was instead confronted by a dark, overweight woman. Her hair had obviously suffered due to heavy doses of chemotherapy, and the loss of hair accentuated the pock-marks on her face. But though visibly ill, she was in good spirits and happy to entertain visitors – a commodity I suspect, is a rare treat nowadays.
General Rani hails from a village in Gujarat. Her father was a zamindar and the family was reportedly well-to-do. Those who knew her family describe their house as one of the bigger mansions in the area, with a number of servants running around to the residents’ bidding.
From the outset, Akleem was an independent spirit. She was a tomboy, fond of outdoor sports and hunting. And though she did not even complete her matric, her sharp intelligence more than compensated for her lack of education.
At a tender age she was married to a police officer many times her senior. Though the marriage lasted for some time and she bore six children, General Rani was never happy. Her husband was a traditionalist and believed that a wife’s primary duty was to serve her husband. A woman as strong and independent as she found this hard to digest, and squabbles were common between the two. The sham their marriage was eventually reduced to, collapsed one day – right on Murree’s Mall Road.
One summer, when the family was vacationing in Murree, a burqa-clad Rani and her husband went for a stroll on the Mall. As was customary for him, he walked a step or two behind her so as to keep an eye on her. Suddenly there was a gust of wind – “a lovely breeze” says she, and quite spontaneously Rani lifted the naqab covering her face to allow the breeze to caress her cheeks.
Her husband immediately tapped her with his walking stick to reprimand her. Enraged and insulted, she threw caution to the wind and flung her naqab to the ground, and her abaya into a cracking fire. She then turned to face her husband with a defiant gleam in her eyes.
She explains her reaction in these words: “I just felt I had had enough. The anger and frustration had been building up inside me for many months, but that day, it just all came oozing out. I wanted to tear my husband’s muffler into bits, scratch his face, pull his hair out, and do all sorts of damage to him. The only thing that stopped me were the people on the Mall.”
Though this incident marked the end of her marriage, the official divorce process (if there was one) took place later. Most sources agree that Rani was only married once, but one of her closest friend states that there was a second marriage, much later in her life and of an extremely short duration. Whatever the truth of that marriage, the dramatic end of her first proved a turning point in her life and transformed Rani irrevocably. She began to thrive on her independence and her life philosophy evolved into a specific ambition. As she puts it, “I was determined to beat men at their own game. Since my husband was in the police, I had been observing men in positions of power throughout my married life and I had realised that all men in positions of power needed a vent and the vent they require the most is a bedmate provided through a reliable agency. The higher a man’s position, the greater his demand.”
In one interview, Rani stated: “I knew that dumb, pretty girls who come with no strings attached are a universal failing of men in power. After my marriage collapsed and I had to find the means to support myself and my children, I decided to become the provider of such girls to men in need.”
In yet another conversation, she talked about the understanding she gained of the workings of the government by listening to her husband’s complaints. “I realised that in this country everything worked on mutual favours and the profession that I had chosen for myself entitled me to these favours.”
This outspokenness notwithstanding, Rani maintains she personally never allowed herself to be used or even thought of as any man’s keep. She contends she maintained her dignity and saw herself as a sexless mother figure. She says she was always the woman behind the scenes, there to run the show and mop up the mess.
The gods were obviously smiling on her, because soon after she adopted this profession, the man who was soon to run the show took a shine to her. She describes her first meeting with Yahya Khan. “At that time Agha Jani was posted at Kharian and I was living in Gujarat. We met by chance at a party in Pindi club. Though I would often frequent such parties, I never joined in the drinking and dancing. Rather, I preferred sitting some distance away from the party and usually found a seat near the men’s room, well aware of the fact that the more they drank the more visits they would have to make to the toilet and hence past me.
“Agha Jani was in full swing at this party. He was completely drunk, and was continually traipsing back and forth from the men’s room. During one of these visits, he saw me and took a fancy to me. I remember asking about him and after we were formally introduced, I invited him to Gujarat.”
Thereafter Yahya Khan began making frequent journeys from Kharian to Gujarat. Somewhere along the way she earned the title of General Rani and the name stuck. While speculation about the exact nature of her relationship with Yahya Khan rages – they were said to be friends, lovers, shared a sibling relationship or one of demand and supply at various times through the course of their relationship – the general consensus among Rani’s more intimate circle is that they never had a physical relationship. Various explanations are put forth to explain this. “Yahya never desired her,” says a friend. “She was a woman of principles and from day one, she made it clear to him what her limits were,” states another.
Nonetheless, after he became the martial law adminstrator, Rani became a cornerstone in his life. Yahya’s weaknesses were drink and women and Rani masterfully catered to both. Among the women she introduced him to were film actress Taranna – film actress Andleeb’s mother – Madame Nur Jehan and Nael Kamal. She relates how Yahya’s fascination with Nur Jehan began.
“One night Agha Jani came to visit me and was somewhat agitated. The moment he entered, he inquired if I had heard the song “cheeche da chala” from the film Dhee Rani. I smiled and stated that I had no time to listen to songs. So, he called the military secretary and ordered him to have a copy of the song delivered to my house at once. It was two o’ clock in the morning and the MS had to specially have an audio shop opened up in order to obtain the album. But the command was obeyed and within an hour, Agha Jani was blissfully listening to the song.
“Observing him I smiled and stated that since he seemed to enjoy the song so immensely, I would bring the singer to his house on his birthday. This greatly pleased him and so the very next day, I took a flight to Lahore. In those days, a suite at the Intercontinental Hotel was permanently reserved for me and so from the airport, I went directly to the hotel. From there I called Nur Jehan and asked her to come and meet me. Till now, I had never been formally introduced to her; I just knew of her, as she knew of me. Well, Nur Jehan came, and we talked, and the next week she arrived in Islamabad to dance and sing for General Yahya Khan.”
Madame Nur Jehan’s relationship with General Yahya Khan subsequently came under great scrutiny. At first, Madame persistently denied that she was on friendly terms with the general, but when objectionable pictures of both of them were printed, she resorted to another defence and officially stated that General Rani, had time and, again tried to get her involved with the general. In response to this, Rani laughed and commented that Madame was hardly a suckling infant who could be coerced into doing what others wanted her to do. The Rani-Nur Jehan tussle was played up by the press, until eventually, some time before the latter’s death, the two made up. Following is an extract from an interview General Rani gave after Madame’s death.
Q: Why did you introduce Madame Nur Jehan to General Yahya Khan?
A: Some tax inspectors were bugging Madame Nur Jehan and the poor woman was in great distress. She asked me to help her out and I introduced her to Agha Jani.
Q: How would you define your relationship with Nur Jehan?
A: She was just like my sister and I often called her baji.
Q: How would you describe her character?
A: She was an exceptionally brave and confident woman, who brought up her children singlehandedly. The only flaw she had was her greed for money.
Q: It is said that Madame tried to drive a wedge between you and Yahya Khan?
A: I don’t want to say anything on this issue. If Rani catered to Agha Jani’s every whim, there is no question that she was royally compensated. During Yahya Khan’s time, General Rani prospered way beyond her wildest expectations. There are endless reports of how she would use her ‘special relationship’ with Yahya to fill her coffers. She would ask for a plot of land or a house in return for a favour and those desperate for a job or promotion would readily fulfill her demands. During this time, politicians were also eager to win her approval and among the many who curried her favour were Mustafa Khar and Z. A. Bhutto.
General Rani describes her relationship with these two men: “Both Mustafa Khar and Z. A. Bhutto would come and sit at my house for hours on end, begging me to introduce them to the General. Mustafa Khar was particularly fond of listening to the poems I used to write. In fact if you compare Yahya Khan to these two, I would say that I was closer to Bhutto and Khar and arranged more parties for them than I did for Agha Jani.”
It was a closeness that was not to endure. As soon as Bhutto came to power, General Rani was put under house arrest and her telephone connection was cancelled. Her crime in the words of an eminent lawyer was that, “she knew too much.”
Thus began General Rani’s downfall. Once the issue of house arrest was resolved (courtesy S. M. Zafar) and her subsequent jail terms ended (the most recent for drug-trafficking), General Rani never really reverted to her former glory. By now the money that had so freely flowed into her hands had also freely flowed out.
Financially wrecked, socially ostracised, dependent only on the kindness of a few whose affections for her have endured, General Rani lives largely in the past – in the memory of days of wine and roses.

 

 

Foreign prostitutes go to work as Pakistan closes for Ramadan

 
 

 

http://www.independent.co.uk/news/foreign-prostitutes-go-to-work-as-pakistan-closes-for-ramadan-1046222.html

 

IT IS RAMADAN in Islamabad: the restaurants are deserted all day, the mosques are crammed with the devout, and the populace are going about their tasks with a weary, hangdog, hungry air.

At the Restaurant Baiga in a market on the southwestern fringe of this planned and gridded capital of Pakistan, the sign says “Closed for Ramadan”. But there are lights on behind the lace curtains upstairs, and if you brave the smell of stale curry you will find one outpost of a quite un- Islamic import that is doing unseasonably good business.

Catarina, Vera and Sonia (not their real names) have not shut up shop for the holy month. And although their colleagues have been arrested, held in squalid jails for months on end and then booted out, these girls are staying put. They are sure that prostitution has a rosy future in this stronghold of Islamic orthodoxy.

Catarina, wearing a black negligee, curls up in the rumpled bed under the harsh fluorescent light in the large, bare room and smokes a Marlboro; Vera, thin and frizzy-haired, disappears into the shower; Sonia, much older and beefy, with the charm of an Aeroflot stewardess, the minder and madam in this small establishment, screws up her mean mouth and prepares to talk numbers.

Catarina, who has a fair complexion, jet-black hair, large eyes and a prominent nose – a winning combination in these parts – says that she is a Turk from Ankara, and a Muslim. But it soon emerges that all three are Russians. They may be Orthodox Christians, too, but although my visit coincided with the Orthodox Church’s Christmas Day, there were no signs of festivity.

The prostitutes from Russia, Azerbaijan, Tajikistan and other parts of central Asia first came to the Pakistani public’s attention last October, when police raided several plush guesthouses and arrested more than a dozen women.

They were held in jail for two months on grounds of overstaying their visas. But their places were quickly taken by arrivals from places in the Gulf such as Abu Dhabi. The mobile phones were handed on to the next contingent like batons, with numbers unchanged.

The women have caused a stir in Islamabad, partly because it likes to be thought of as a centre of Islamic purity, but also because, despite being the nation’s capital, it is about the size of Tunbridge Wells, and not much goes on. “Islamabad is small,” said one of the policemen involved in the operation. “Everybody noticed these women and started talking about them.”

The prostitutes are rotated in a circuit that includes several Gulf states, and until recently their Pakistani base was Karachi. With its heterogeneous population, Pakistan’s biggest city and only port is more their natural habitat.

Russians and other Central Asians first trickled into Karachi under the protection of Soviet mafia and corrupt local police in the late 1980s, to buy second-hand Western-made clothes in bulk and lug them back to Russia. Later, the girls arrived under the same protection, and business flourished.

But in the past year Karachi has become too dangerous because of fighting between terrorists. Killings are a daily occurrence, many accompanied by gruesome mutilations. Three Americans travelling in a car were shot dead along with their Pakistani driver. One foreign prostitute was also murdered. It was then that the exodus of the girls began.

Until the arrests and expulsions, they were doing very nicely in Islamabad. And now the immediate fuss has died down, they are doing very nicely again. Above the Restaurant Baiga, Sonia demanded Rs10,000 (about pounds 140) for a night with Catarina and after extended haggling the price came down only to Rs7,000 before the Independent on Sunday made the traditional excuses and left.

Across town at the Diplomat Inn (next door to a United Nations agency), the price demanded for a night in the arms of a “Turkish 16-year-old” – actually another Russian – is Rs8,000. For a young Pakistani girl, on the other hand, the rate is only Rs6,000.

The women are doing well because the classical Central Asian look – fair skin, strong nose, glossy black hair – corresponds to the Pakistani ideal of female beauty. Pakistani men appear unmoved by the delicate, small noses and almond eyes of mongoloid peoples of Central Asia, such as the Uzbeks. The Uzbeks are happy for it to stay that way. “Our country has a strong religious background,” said a spokesman for the Uzbek embassy, “and we do not indulge in such things.”

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Role of Tribesmen of FATA

Role of Tribesmen of FATA

 

Asif Haroon Raja

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

1948 Kashmir War. We must not overlook the fact of history that when Maharaja Hari Singh Dogra forces augmented by Patiala forces and RSS were massacring Muslims in Kashmir in 1947 and the then British C-in-C Gen. Gracey refused to dispatch Pak troops as demanded by Quaid-e-Azam, the tribesmen from FATA formed a lashkar at their own and captured Muzaffarabad 

and area right up to Baramula. Had they not wasted time in Baramula, they could have easily captured Srinagar on 27 October 1947 before the arrival of Indian troops. Notwithstanding the heroics of Pak Army and Azad forces, tribesmen had played a key role in retaining one-thirds of Kashmir. Large numbers of graves of the tribesmen in various towns of Azad Kashmir bear testimony to their sense of sacrifice and valor. 

Quaid-e-Azam’s Pledge. I reckon, it was because of their laudable role in the 1948 Kashmir war and their solemn pledge to remain loyal to Pakistan and to defend the western border against foreign aggression at all cost that Quaid-e-Azam during his address to tribal Jirga at Peshawar on April 17, 1948 agreed to the demands of the tribesmen to be governed by British contrived flawed FCR instead of laws of Pakistan and to retain their Rawaj which is close to Shariah and to keep FC troops only along with forts, and to continue with Khasadari system. MA Jinnah promised that the government will extend all possible help in building the tribal belt and in removing socio-economic and educational deficiencies. Lord Curzon was ordered to withdraw regular troops from Waziristan within 48 hours. Article 247 provides details of the agreement. 

Wars with India. Pakistan went to war with India in 1965 and in 1971. Each time, Pak Army was able to pullout 7 and 9

Divisions from Peshawar and Kohat for its offensive options because the people of FATA took care of the western border. In the war against Soviet forces, FATA became the base of operation and training ground for local and international Jihadis which led to the miraculous victory against next door super power. One of the reasons of this classical victory was that national psyche matched with national policy. During 2008/09 military standoff with India, Baitullah Mehsud announced that in case of Indian aggression, TTP fighters would fight along with Pak Army and provide thousands of suicide bombers. His announcement deterred India. While the tribesmen fulfilled their pledges, Pakistan government didn’t and kept FATA under developed and neglected.

 

 

 

 

 

1948 Declaration. It was honored by all the civilian and military rulers which helped in keeping the people of tribal belt in the loop. Gen Musharraf’s u turn on Afghanistan was against the national policy and in conflict with national psyche. He broke the 1948 agreement without taking the elders of FATA into confidence and not only inducted Army in Waziristan but also launched series of operations to target foreign militants and their sympathizers at the behest of USA. These actions were viewed by the tribesmen as breach of trust and betrayal and they decided to confront the State forces.   

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

Majority is Peace Loving. Except for the minority of misled militants in FATA, majority are peace loving and loyal to Pakistan. Each tribal agency has peace lashkar fighting the Taliban. Ahmadzai Wazirs in South Waziristan (SW) and Othmanzai Wazirs in North Waziristan are the largest tribes and are pro-Pakistan. Even now, pro-peace talks Mehsud group led by Said Khan is fighting anti-peace Mehsud group led by Sheharyar in SW after the death of anti-peace Kasheed Mehsud and his four aides.

 

 

 

 

 

 

Opportunity Seized. A window of opportunity has been opened to win back the loyalties of the misled. Should we seize it or let it go? Did we not grant general amnesty to Bengali rebels based in India and to Baloch rebels taking refuge in Afghanistan? Weren’t Al-Zulfiqar terrorists pardoned? Didn’t NRO condone all criminals including those who had been convicted? 

Why are we so Averse to Taliban? If we are dying to befriend India and talk with chronic separatists in Balochistan and are ready to bed with untrustworthy USA, why are we so averse to Taliban who just want Shariah and have in principle accepted Pakistan’s constitution and democratic order?

Why we are so afraid of Shariah? As Muslims why are we so afraid of Shariah, particularly when western democracy and Anglo-Saxon Law have failed to deliver? Why don’t we tailor the constitution, the electoral and parliamentary system in conformity with Quran and Sunnah? Having practiced all forms of governments and each experiment failing to ameliorate the living conditions of the have-nots, why do we shun Shariah without even experimenting it?

 

 

 

 

 

 

Recommendations

  •            Westminster democracy and western justice system have failed to ameliorate the sufferings of have-nots. The two systems should be brought in conformity with Quran and Sunnah as already enshrined in 1973 Constitution. Lava of terrorism can only be defused through golden principles of Islam  
  •             Leaders living in regal style have no moral authority to censure Islamists that their way of life is wrong and their demand for Shariah is illegal. They will first have to become role models in their personal conduct, ensure good governance and equitable social justice and only then will they be able reach out to the downtrodden and say that they have something better to offer.
  • Education confined to the privileged class must be opened to all classes and uniformity achieved to provide equal social growth opportunities.
  • Misled elements in FATA who have turned from assets into liabilities need to be won over through inducements and motivation. 
  • Army will have to be co-opted in peace talks because without its active participation, no worthwhile deal can be brokered.
  • FATA’s socio-economic grievances as promised by Quaid-e-Azam should be addressed on priority.
  • TTP’s practices are wrong but their demand for Shariah is not wrong. Their longstanding demand of introducing Nizam-e-Adal in FATA could be given serious consideration just the way TNSM’s demand was accepted in 1994 and again in 2009.
  • In order to preserve arms and to keep the Army battle worthy to confront multidimensional threats of the real enemy, regular troops deployed in FATA should be withdrawn and restive areas handed over to a separate counter terrorism force under a separate HQ/ Interior Ministry. In addition, Rapid Deployment Force backed by efficient intelligence should be created for each major urban centre to deal with urban terrorism.
  •               In 2007, there were active plans to handover frontline security duties to FC and Frontier Constabulary duly trained by the Army and US trainers. The US/ British trainers imparted training to FC men in Warsak from 2005 till November 2011. Several FC wings were raised to make additional battalions, their scale of weapons and equipment was enhanced to add to their firepower. By now, the FC has been sufficiently trained and enriched with considerable experience to tackle militant threat along the border regions independently. However, except for Balochistan, so far the FC has not taken over frontline duties in northwestern regions and relieved the Army. It should be expedited.
  •           Government’s plan to bring all the 26 intelligence agencies under National Security Directorate to achieve greater coordination/ efficiency should be speeded up.  
  •           To enable the security forces/ intelligence agencies to effectively combat terrorism, they should be equipped with special powers as given out in PPO. Besides providing protection to judges, prosecutors and witnesses, special courts should be asked to ensure speedy disposal of trial cases.  
  •            Anti-State militants fed by foreign agencies refusing to renounce violence should be dealt with an iron hand.   

The writer is retired Brig, defence analyst, columnist and author of several books. He is member of PESS and MEASAC Research Centre chaired by Lt Gen Hamid Gul. [email protected]

 

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Shaikh Rasheed Interview With Dr.Shahid Maqsood: Nawaz Sharif Mud-Slinging on Pakistan Army

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Nawaz Sharif’s Predicament

Nawaz Sharif’s Predicament

 
The writer is an independent political and defence analyst. He is also the author of several books, monographs and articles on Pakistan and South Asian Affairs
 
 
 

 
A major problem area for the federal government led by Nawaz Sharif is civil-military relations despite the fact that the PML-N leadership has a reasonable experience of living under the wings of the military. Their wish to assume a commanding role in defence and security affairs is greatly influenced by their flawed assumptions that their electoral support base and personalised decision-making would overawe the military. They now consult with the military top brass on security and related matters but it is not clear if the implementation of the decisions in the post-consultation period reflects the substance of the consultation.
The official civilian version on the meetings between the top military and civilian leaders projects a strong harmony and understanding between them. If we go by the statements of hardline federal cabinet members who have close access to Nawaz Sharif, the impression is created that the army top command fully endorses the civilian government’s management of talks with the TTP and the “high treason” case against Pervez Musharraf. It is not clear if that perception reflects the full reality or the civilian leadership is interpreting the politeness and professional discreetness of the top brass of the army as their total agreement with their handling of these two matters.
The experience of Nawaz Sharif’s earlier terms in office (1990-1993, 1997-1999) shows that Nawaz Sharif and his close associates overestimated their electoral clout in dealing with the military. In January 1993, differences developed between Prime Minister Nawaz Sharif and President Ghulam Ishaq Khan on the selection of the army chief after General Asif Nawaz Janjua died of a heart attack. Nawaz Sharif’s famous speech of not accepting anybody’s dictates in April ultimately brought him in conflict with the army top leadership when it worked towards seeking the resignations of Nawaz Sharif and Ishaq Khan to break the political deadlock in July 1993. Another example of poor management of civil-military relations is Nawaz Sharif’s interaction with the army top brass in the post-Kargil period, especially in August-October 1999. Shahbaz Sharif went to Washington to obtain American support for democracy. This support could not secure civilian rule as Nawaz Sharif attempted to remove General Pervez Musharraf in a dramatic manner and appointed his protégé as the army chief.
The civilian leadership can secure itself against military intrusions by creating a credible civilian governance system that enjoys widespread popular support. This is only possible if electoral legitimacy is coupled with performance legitimacy by good governance and a moderate and accommodating political management.
If the ultimate sanction of the military’s clout is its organisation, discipline and control of instruments of violence, the civilian leaders derive strength from popular support. However, popular support cannot be cultivated without performing in three major civilian domains. First, good governance and delivery of services to the common people and keeping economic pressures on them under check.
Second, an accommodating and cooperative interaction with the out-of-power political and societal forces. What matters here is how far other political and societal forces are willing to support the government at the operational level. If the government establishes a tyranny of majority and keeps all political adversaries under check, the political environment cannot stay harmonious and cooperative over a long period of time. Divided and fragmented political forces cannot command the political system vis-à-vis the military.
Third, post-military rule, political forces need not create a sense of insecurity in the military. An unnecessarily critical posture or negative campaign by the civilian government and political forces is always counterproductive. The civilian government often loses the confidence of the military by a policy of non-accommodation towards the sensitivities of the military top brass or undertaking a persistent propaganda campaign against the military for one reason or another.
In a country like Pakistan, where internal and external security pressures are intense, the military cannot be pushed to the sidelines. Civilian leaders will have to change Pakistan’s internal security profile and build peace on its borders in order to cut back on the role and status of the military.If Pakistan continues to suffer from violence and terrorism and its ultranationalists want to wage war against India, dominate Afghanistan and keep Iran under pressure, the military and its needs and requirements will override other considerations influencing policymaking and its execution.
At a time when the “performance legitimacy” of the PML-N government has slipped downwards, it has embarked on two extremely contentious policies: talks with the TTP and the trial of Pervez Musharraf for “high treason”. The talks with the Taliban in an apologetic manner cannot go on for an indefinite period. The civil government will have to produce positive results by the end of April in terms of the TTP giving up violence and agreeing to work within the framework of the Constitution. The army cannot afford to let the summer of 2014 pass by and let the Taliban consolidate their position in the tribal areas. This will increase the cost of defending Pakistan’s security for the military in 2015.
Similarly, the dragging-on of the Musharraf trial has a strong potential to adversely affect civil-military relations to the disadvantage of Nawaz Sharif. The military expresses its views in its own way, which can be read only by those who understand how a professional and disciplined military works. Given the military’s professional profile and tradition of respect for its retired senior officers, it would be very unusual if the military abandons Pervez Musharraf in favour of political leaders.
The civilian government needs to undertake a dispassionate review of its policies on both issues. Stepping back on these issues may subject the civilian government to criticism by a section of political leaders. However, the cost is likely to be higher for sleepwalking into the Taliban trap in the name of dialogue and settling old scores with Musharraf.
Published in The Express Tribune, April 7th, 2014.

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WE SALUTE OUR SHERDIL, NOW STANDING GUARD ON GATES OF JANNAT : Captain Hassan Abid Shaheed.

 A SALUTE FROM THE HEARTS OF 180 MILLION STRONG TO THEIR MARTYRED SON
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
Captain Hassan Abid Shaheed.
 
 
 
Courtesy: Siasat.pk
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 

 

Annaya with her Dad’z Coffin…( Daughter of Capt. Hassan Shaheed ) 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

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