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Archive for December, 2012

PAKISTANI ARTISTS AND SCULPTORS

 

Punj Piyare: Birds of a feather

 

Moeen

The culture that took root nearly 50 centuries ago in the Indus Valley of the present day Pakistan came to be known as the oldest urban ethos of the region. The eventual infusion of Islam not only enhanced the cultural identification of Pakistan but also advanced the development of art over the years. During the pre-Partition days, poetry and literature were the primary means of expression and highly respected forms of art. On the contrary, artists were considered as languishing craftsmen who simply replicated traditional art. After independence, modernism was chosen as a popular approach by Pakistani artists like Shakir Ali and Zubeida Agha for emancipation and free enterprise, contrary to the restrained demeanour of the old school.

Shakir Ali did his masters from the Sir Jamsetjee Jeejebhoy (JJ) School of Arts, Bombay, and left for England and France. On his return in 1952, Ali, after a short stint as a drawing master in Karachi, joined the Mayo School, Lahore as a lecturer. In 1958, the Mayo School was upgraded to National College of Arts (NCA) where Professor Mark Sponenburgh, an ex-JJ School sculptor, continued as the Principal and introduced major changes in the curriculum for necessary upgrading of the art disciplines. Ali succeeded Sponenburgh as Principal in 1961, where he served till 1969.

Ali’s presence in Lahore acted as a catalyst to the liberal art community for his overwhelming interest in the works of Cézanne and Cubism, which he introduced in the 1950s. He was also inspired by Muslim calligraphy and exploited its use in his paintings. A stranger to the city of Lahore, he took refuge in the tea and coffee houses on the Mall, where artists and poets frequently congregated to exercise creative intelligence. These individuals were frustrated with the events of the recent past and were anxious for a change. The addition of Ali amidst a perturbed set of like-minded artists was timely to impart the requisite impetus. He never forced anyone to paint like he did; instead, he inculcated the desire to be original.

Amongst his closest associates who rejuvenated the post-Partition modern art were Sheikh Safdar, Raheel Akbar Javed, Anwar Jalal Shemza, Moeen Najmi and Ali Imam. Dr Akbar Naqvi, a distinguished art critic, in his book, Image and Identity, gave them the title of Shakir Ali’s Panj Piyare (meaning ‘the five beloved ones’ in Punjabi).

Seated Nude in Blue, 1970
ShakircAli (Pakistani, 1916–1975)
Oil on canvas; 35 x 54 in.
Image courtesy of ShakircAli Museum, Lahore
ShakircAli Museum

Sheikh Safdar, the first piyara, painted in the style of a cubist and drew subjects that were Ali’s favourite; however, he could not achieve the sensitivity of the mentor. Safdar’s painting of ‘Mother and child’ was ornamental and carried liberal signs of modern art. His style bore some semblance to the work of Zubeida Agha. Influence of the renowned painter Jamini Roy was also incipient in his paintings. Safdar made use of the multipoint view of an object but in a primitive manner. Although Cubism had become quite popular, but somehow, his work remained reluctant and wanting. With a limited creative acumen, he painted for pleasure to attempt anything that was different and spellbinding.

Raheel Akbar was a remarkably versatile painter who could express utilising a variety of subjects with equal ease. His paintings are composed of abstract forms which are defined with vivid fluorescent colours. The basic shapes of the rectangles, cubes and squares are arranged in a pleasant picturesque format. Unlike the characteristics of cubism, he searched for attractiveness and a particular impression of light and texture. He was Ali’s second piyara, who left the country in the ’70s.

Anwar Jalal Shemza, the third piyara, obtained his diploma from the Mayo School of Art and did his graduation from the Slade School of Art, UK. He was modest about the choice of canvas size like his mentor Paul Klee. The small-sized paintings drew the viewer closer to observe the detailed

handling of the medium. Shemza carried out numerous delicately executed paintings based on the alphabets B and D, before his death in 1985 in England. His paintings of ‘Roots’ series based on arabesque carry nostalgic nuances of his homeland and people.

The fourth piyara, Moeen Najmi was a founding member of the Lahore Art Circle and taught at the Aitchison College, Lahore.
Initially he painted trivial landscapes but gradually transformed his style to modern painting. He utilised scenes from rural Punjab and the Shalimar Gardens, Lahore, in his paintings of abstract genre. While keeping architectural monuments in focus, he painted the gardens depicting the entwining of nature and culture. He painted buildings and monuments with a superior sense of ornamental architecture which reflects his yearning for intricate detail. To express the values of Muslim art and culture of the sub-continent was the objective of Najmi’s paintings.

Ali Imam, the fifth pyara of Ali, had a major impact on the art of Pakistan through his students, his acumen for entrepreneurship, the Indus Art Gallery, the journalists, collectors and admirers he created. He had a fair understanding of modern painting and had a wealth of knowledge about art. He appointed himself as an authority on Pakistani art to make a living when he returned from abroad. His painting, before he switched to modern art, comprised of watercolour in a form similar to the Bengal School. He made his early modern paintings in the ’50s, while he became a member of the Lahore Art Circle. Later he moved to Karachi and taught art, while painting whenever possible. During the ’70s, his painting went into decline, but his white paintings turned out to be worthwhile for their unique texture and movement.

The culture of interaction within friends, associates and contemporaries during the ’50s was an effective means of exchanging intellectual information. The tea and coffee houses served as crucial rendezvous points for the brimming prodigies’ talents, who desperately needed to redeem their minds from creative blocks. The combination of ideas and conjecture from diverse origins has an amazing potential to resolve numerous misunderstood concepts of art. Incidentally, in the present day local art scenario, the need for a similar culture of frequent interaction is strongly felt.

Reference: DAWN, Pakistan

Decolonizing the Spirit – Pakistani Art from 1947-79

Understanding Pakistan Project Team July 19th, 2007

By: Niilofur Farrukh

The DNA code of Pakistani painting is a complex one. The early experiment with the stem cells of modern art movements to further a nationalist agenda birthed a Pakistani modernity. The artist not content to be on the fringe turned into the protagonist of the ‘other story’- a saga of three decades that chronicles the trauma of a heterogeneous people learning to be a nation and an agenda of conscience that defied the colonization of the spirit. writes Niilofur Farrukh, The Editor of NuktaArt, a contemporary art history magazine in Pakistan, and the research director of Project Art History Pakistan

The maelstrom unleashed by the cartographer’s pen, circa 1947, deepened political fault lines in South Asia. The resulting volatility, fractured a people that were once united in a freedom struggle again colonial fetters. What followed, was the largest displacement of people in history and the birth of two nations.

Like ‘midnights children’ poised on the cusp of loss and gain, the nations struggled to gain a sense of self. The itinerary of the artists could not escape new ideologies. The dynamics of disconnect and displacement opened unexplored territory and a different imperative.To the Indian artist a continuum of the aesthetics of land and religion held no contradiction. The Pakistani artist faced with the aftermath of a three way divorce between land, religion and cultural history had yet to determine philosophical moorings.

Fully aware of their place in history, the manifesto of the artists of nascent Pakistan could not escape the spirit of the time. The political and social leadership that had its roots in the Western educated Muslim elite of undivided India had begun to seriously question the relevance of orthodoxy in a progressive modern future. Contemporary values of the industrialized nations based on reason and science were considered the engine of advancement. Their primary concern became a robust intellectual, economic and social participation in the modern age.

Poet Iqbal, the mentor of this generation with his message of khudi (self) had already reinforced the awakening of individuality and personal ambition and this chipped away at the edifice of fatalistic beliefs, as his verses became the new mantra

Khudi ko kar buland itna kay ha taqdeer say pehlay
Khuda panday say khud poochay, bata tayree raza hia hai

(elevate yourself to such heights of achievement that god is compelled
to consult you before he decides your fate)

This paradigm shift manifested itself in art and experiments with the modern idiom provided a framework to re-examine a familiar cultural terrain.

pk7-zubeida agha 58.jpgThe upheaval of the last years of the Freedom Movement had created an awareness for the need of ‘a vital new expression, as Raza’s explained ‘ the revivalist movement of the Bengal school despite laudable effort it made to instill an awareness of our cultural heritage, seemed literary works, sentimental, delicate and unresponsive to the pace and anguish of our time’These views found resonance among the aspiring modernists of Pakistan. Ahmed Pervaz, Sheikh Safdar, Shemza, Moyene Najmi and Ali Imam founded the Lahore Art Circle in the early 1950’s. Once again, Lahore, home to Emperor Akbar royal atelier, became the site of a bold new experiment in the visual arts.

A similar movement led by Zainul Abedin was initiated in the Eastern wing of Pakistan.Zubeida Agha (Figure: “Karachi by Night” by Zubeida Agha, painted in 1956), also a Lahorite, had the honor to be the first modernist to hold a solo show as early as 1949 in Karachi. Social taboos separated her from her peers of the Lahore Art Circle as it was unacceptable for a young woman to be seen in the company of male artists and poets at their nocturnal meetings at Lahore’s coffee houses where debates usually raged well into the night. Her gender however did not stop her from making a seminal contribution even if it dictated a separate, often lonely path.

[Editor’s Note: Next Page Contains Some Fascinating, yet heavy bite-sized graphic files that might take, depending upon your computer speed, a while to download. Please be patient as they download – Ed.]

 

Privileged by her family’s support, the missed interaction was compensated by a formal education in artist Sanyal’s studio and later by Mario Perlingieri, a prisoner of war who has received some training from Picasso. Zubaida, a life long admirer of the passionate oeuvre of Amrita Sher Gill, herself sought inspiration from philosophical introspection and painted intangible ideas with an emotional distance.

In the words of Mussarat Hasan, the author of Zubeida Agha’s recent biography “She was one of the great colourist of Pakistani painting. She employed colour not only for itself, but to lend veracity and meaning to her images, culled from life and restructured by her amazing imagination to provoke the viewer into thought.”

Zubeida discussed the partition with Marjorie Hussain in an interview shortly before her death in 1997. ‘Speaking of the turmoil that accompanied partition in 1947, Zubeida recalled the confusion and uncertainty …aware and compassionate, she employed her energies to the need of the time, gradually becoming suffused with the desire to create from chaos…’ Zubeida’s years at St Martins School of Art and Ecole de Beaux in Paris prepared her for the role beyond that of an artist. She was an influential figure on the art scene for half a century both as a strong advocate of Modern Art as the director of The Contemporary Art Gallery in Rawalpindi, which she founded and ran and an activist in the campaign for the National Gallery.

This early exploration of the new idiom was a purely visual response to what the pioneers had been exposed to through colour plates and black and white printed reproductions in magazines and art books. None of them were fully cognizant with the philosophies that energized the Schools of Paris; by default their lack of formal education led to an eclecticism that opened a new space for inventive work.

Akbar Naqvi, Pakistan’s eminent art critic explains ‘Modern art in Pakistan was seen as Cubist and Abstract, and it became the catalyst of freedom for painters. Zubeida Agha and Shakir Ali took the academic version of modern art forms from Paris and rejuvenated them. It was this, and the feeling that they too could rove and ravage the West, as Picasso, Matisse and Klee had done with non-European cultures before, which made this enterprise.’

This was a multicultural interface that did not anticipate that colonial mindset often survives territorial loss and the initiative to dehegemonize art was not going to be without a challenge. The Eurocentric art scholars could not appreciate the work outside the fixed notion of one way appropriation and that all non-European dialogue had to fit into a fixed pre conceived space of the exotic or the derivative. The canons of modernism were simply not open to multiple modernities.

The advent of Modernism also must not be seen as a continuation of the politics of cultural intervention in South Asia. The systematic interference through overt and covert means during the British Raj had eroded the craft base and mutated Miniature Painting into the Company School of Painting. Marginalized and mis-represented, the cultural legacy was being erased from the Indian mind. C R Das in 1917 voiced his concerns “We had made aliens of our own people, we had forgotten the ideals of our heart….”

Unlike previous attempts the post partition artistic synthesis was not an outcome of social engineering but the intellectually motivated decision of free citizens. To the artists modernism symbolized many different things, progress, freedom, search for identity, nationalistic zeal, the excitement of discovery of the immense possibilities within an aesthetics not bound by moribund tradition. To them it was the genesis of a hybrid articulation that would be reflective of the radical change in their social and political environment. An art capable of the resilience and flexibility to cross cultural lines and this became increasingly visible in the oeuvre of the Pakistani Modernist.

For each of these artists Modernism did not mean a denial of their legacy, experiences and affinities but an engagement with them. Shemza, who belonged to a family that traded hand-woven carpets, his reference was design. On this matrix he sought new asymmetrical configurations of the perfected balance of the woven rectangle. What sprang on his canvas in jeweled colors was the distilled and contemporarized vision of an heir to centuries of skilled crafts. This imaginative leap and unity could only be the product of a transformed spirit, as despite the intensive craft- based training at Lahore’s Mayo School of Art, the subaltern was not empowered to script his narrative. Moeen Najmi canvas reflected the architectonic complexities softened by ornamental details of Lahore’s regal and humble, built spaces.

Ahmed Pervaz, the most prolific of the group achieved prominence at home and abroad, was an inspirational figure. His visual dialogue via colour at a purely intuitive plane was a mind map of emotions. It was an inner compulsion that drove him to repeat a dynamic movement energized by exploding small abstract forms. A closer look shows that his forms were not identical, nor static but continuously evolving in the changing amorphous space, constantly challenging the eye to find a focus in the chaos. Maybe it is an affirmation of his tremendous talent that he could create endless variations to rescue his art from the commonplace.

It was the vision of three artists Shakir Ali, Ali Imam and Anna Molka Ahmad, whose pedagogic intervention that took the movement from musings of a few to a mainstream art movement.

pk7-anna molka.jpgAnna Molka Ahmed (figure) who came to Lahore before 1947 with her husband Sheikh Ahmad, established the Fine Arts Dept. of the Punjab University. Open only to women, the partition was a setback when many students joined the exodus to India. Undeterred, she went knocking on the door of Muslim homes to send their daughters and her passionate appeals were not ignored.

Pragmatic Anna Molka emphasized teaching as a way to sustain art practice. With her students in institutions all over Pakistan, modernism was able to make inroads in smaller towns. According to the artist “… I practice colouristic painting, using colours of different light values for each shade of light and dark.” Her energetic impasto paintings were inspired by the physical geography of her adopted land.

A devoted member of the Lahore Art Circle, Ali Imam’s focused on building a support system for the arts in Karachi. As the head of one of the city’s oldest art academies, in the 1960’s he gave The Central Institute of Arts and Crafts (CIAC) a modern curriculum with theoretical studies integrated with skills to build the intellectual resources of the next generation of artists. When he left it in 1970 to establish the Indus Gallery, today, the longest running commercial gallery of the country and a cultural institution in its own right, he successfully cultivated a group of discerning art buyers in the country’s financial center. The artist, in Ali Imam, always took a back seat, maybe his brother Raza’s genius always made him feel that he could never step out of his shadow. Imam Sahib, as he was known to the generations he influenced, was not a prolific painter. In his art he referenced the figurative tradition in painting and used textural techniques to create visually nigmatic effects under a veil of white to create a signature canvas.

To his students, Shakir Ali despite his anglophile demeanor, was the bridge between the dynamism of Modern European painting and the resilience of the indigenous artistic legacy. Years at Slade School of Art in the UK and School of Industrial Design in Prague provided him with aesthetic strategies to frame his personal experiences and traditional references into a contemporary philosophy. The artist’s oeuvre can be distinctly divided into two groups, one of formalistic innovation with a preoccupation with ‘the significant form’ and an emotive body of work that interprets the vibrant Rajput miniature in a modernist’s tribute.

Hands on experiences like cataloging of the Lahore Museum’s Miniature collection and excursions to mountain villages were common for students while he headedNational College of the Arts, At the country’s largest art school, he encouraged new ways of seeing and enhanced their ability to view things through the prism of a modern thinker. This cultural interface is best seen in his house turned museum in Lahore, where the minimalist interior showcases a collection of vibrant crafts, meticulously collected for their enduring aesthetic appeal.

pk7-chughtai.jpgPakistan’s enterprise of modern art faced resistance when it tried to enter the mainstream cultural discourse and challenge established principles of ‘jamaliati zouk’ or aesthetic conventions. Chuqhtai (Figure) and Allah Baksh were two masters with popular following and their art found a resonance with the artistic preferences of a majority of the population. The art in the urban centers of Pakistan developed a dual personality and was divided along economic and linguistic barriers. Social polarization was exacerbated by the system of education that was divided between Urdu and English as a medium of instruction. The national sensibility was clearly tiered. The large rural population who were on the periphery of industrial change continued to respond to folk art, classical realism, Islamic design elements and calligraphy unlike their urban counterparts. This sharp division was gradually blurred with the advent of terrestrial television in the late 60’s.

The formalist emphasis on the development of the new visual syntax to investigate the personal and psychological space in the 50’s and early 60’s was gradually expanded to include political and social commentary. Bashir Mirza in the Black Sun series spoke of the anguish of a nation at war and Sadequain’s satire with his bleeding fingers and truncated head with a crow nest became emblematic of an impotent intelligentsia.

Innovations with calligraphy points to two distinct streams of thought, artists like Hanif Ramay, Gulgee and Sadequainpreferred to retain the integrity of the word. For Hanif Ramay, one of the first modern artists to discover possibilities within calligraphy and in his art the curvilinear script became a way to organize space with stylized letters.

pk7-gulgee.jpgFor Gulgee (figure) who began his career as a portraitist in the expressionist mode discovered action painting in a collaborative experiment with a visiting American artist. For the monumental calligraphic painting that followed he made gesture painting his point of departure. A deeper exploration of this new genre reconnected took him to the Islamic art of the book.

It was Sadequain’s calligraphic works that broke class barriers as people thronged the gallery. As an heir to the strong calligraphic tradition of Amroha, Sadequain was perhaps the most comfortable with his inherited tradition and modernity. After a brief flirtation with Cubism during his stay in Paris in the 1950’s he developed a figurative iconography suited to his content of social satire.

Sadequain’s calligraphic paintings looked to the meaning of the text and created calligrams informed by a constructivist vocabulary. His canvas was encyclopedic and he looked at universal themes from classical literature. He became Pakistan’s most prolific painter of murals ceilings that presented an epic view of man’s destiny as envisaged in the poetry of poet Iqbal.

Shemza and Zahoor looked beyond the meaning and transform texts into spatial and rhythmic patterns well beyond their function of communication.

Partially eclipsed Miniature Painting by modern art it was kept from disappearing by two traditional miniaturists Haji Mohammad Sharif and Ustad Shujaullah in Lahore.

The 1970’s presented the challenges of a new political reality. The loss of East Pakistan had bewildering repercussions for the populace and after the turmoil in the first two years of the decade; the National Exhibition of 1973 reflected both the rejuvenation of the cultural institutions under Prime Minister Bhutto’s government. Himself a serious collector he took personal interest in culture and the artists responded to his optimism with a will to construct a better future.

Held in Karachi, the 1973 National Show saw the emergence of new trajectories in Pakistani art. The generation that came of age was the true ‘midnights children’ as they had arrived in the new homeland, sometimes as infants.

Bashir Mirza remembered crossing over from Amritsar on his father’s shoulders. The images of violence that haunted his childhood often found their way in his art particularly his drawings. The ‘Lonely Girl’ series that caused a stir on the art scene announced the modern woman of Pakistan that hoped to banish forever the timid damsels from the canvas. He continued to dominate the time with his brash innovations.

Zahoorul Akhlaq return from UK to interface with the world as a global citizen. His oeuvre did not appropriate but question as he expressed a preference for the conceptual. The nuclear mushroom within the format of the ‘farman ‘ or the royal decree suggests a subtext beyond the cross pollination of visual symbols.

pk7-khalid iqbal.jpgWith a commitment to root his art in the terra firma, Khalid Iqbal (figure)became the moving spirit behindThe Lahore School of Landscape. His interpretation of the fertile plains bordered on the spiritual. In keeping with the spirit of an agrarian society linked to the land and its productive soil, both nature and culture were intertwined in this genre of Pakistani painting. Kaleem Khan in Quetta and Imtiaz Hussain in Peshawar continued to capture the ageless mountain spirit. This decade will also be remembered for Jamil Naqsh’s visual thesis on ‘Woman and Pigeon’, which propelled him to the forefront of art history.

Mian Salahuddin a ceramist trained at NCA and The Cranbrook Academy in Michigan became the pioneer of clay expressionism, adding a new dimension to the ancient clay continuum.

It was the commitment of a handful of sculptors that kept this field alive in Pakistan despite lack of official and private patronage. Shahid Sajjad, the most prominent among them was largely self- taught. His life-size wooden works executed in the hill tracts near Chittagong bring into question the definition of civilization. A word denied to aboriginal people who live in harmony with their world unlike the predatory and wasteful developed nations. The 70’s saw him embrace bronze as a medium.

One of the few artists from the former East Pakistan who made Karachi their home and remained active was Zainul Abedin’s student Mansur Rahi. Married to Hajra, of the Zuberi sisters who founded the Karachi School of Art. An accomplished painter he will also be remembered as the mentor of a group that revived watercolour as a significant medium in Karachi.

Colin David and Ijaz ul Hasan diametrically opposite in their approach to art both added to creative tapestry of the 70’s.

Women artists emerged as emblems of new consciousness. Art and poetry by women in Pakistan documented their emancipated voice and served as a catalyst for alternate attitudes.

pk7-laila shahzada.jpgLaila Shahzada (figure), who came on the scene in the 1960’s by her ‘Driftmood Series’, turned her attention to the interfaith legacy of spirituality in South Asia. A group of younger women who became a major presence in the decades to come, among others, included Lubna Latif Agha, The Zuberi sisters– Hajra and Rabia, Rumana Saeed, Sumbul, Mehr Afroz and Nahid from Karachi and Salima Hashmi and Zubeida Javed from Lahore.

Lubna Latif Agha a graduate of the Karachi School of Art was recognized as an outstanding talent and honored with a solo show at Indus Gallery. Behind the veil of glacial white, molten crimson waited to flow from the fissures, Lubna’s intensely emotive works were read as the statements of ‘a body denied’ or ‘a wounded spirit’ and broke the silence of the disenfranchised.

Mehr’s a printmaker from Lucknow Arts College was motivated to introduce this discipline in Karachi. Her sophisticated language of textures won her awards at the National Exhibition and the honor to represent Pakistan internationally.

After graduating from CIAC, Nahid’s search took her to the necropolis of Chawkhandi through which she entered in a dialogue simultaneously with culture and modernity. A prolific career as a watercolourist established Sumbul as a committed exponent. In this group Hajra preferred to strike out on her own and follow the footsteps of her guru, Chughtai through oriental wash painting. A student of Shakir Ali, Salima returned to her alma mater as faculty in 1970. During this period her visual statement had begun to have a political edge, which runs through her work as a common thread.

To Zubaida Javed, the influence of Anna Molka her mentor must have been difficult to shed but her strong spatial sensibility succeeded in transforming the landscapes from the physical to the ethereal.

The DNA code of Pakistani painting is a complex one. The early experiment with the stem cells of modern art movements to further a nationalist agenda birthed a Pakistani modernity. The artist not content to be on the fringe turned into the protagonist of the ‘other story’- a saga of three decades that chronicles the trauma of a heterogeneous people learning to be a nation and an agenda of conscience that defied the colonization of the spirit.

Bol kay lab azaad hain…challenged the revolutionary, Faiz.
(speak out for your lips are no longer sealed)

With this independent spirit, the artists create an expressive contemporary mosaic. For those who can penetrate its layers the most important sub- text is the latent philosophy. Naqvi in his tome ‘Image and Identity’ locates the Pakistani artist in the malamati tradition..A group of free- thinking Muslim writers and poets that occupies the nimbus between the secular and the religious. The art of Pakistan reaffirms that the artist unlike the politics of the time, has transcended religion into the cultural domain, a timeless matrix of creativity.

 Courtesy: Understanding Pakistan Project  Please Visit this Excellent Site on Pakistani Art & Artists.
 

Sculpture from Pakistan

 

Reference

 

Sadiq Ali Shahzad from Multan Pakistan

 
Sadiq Ali Shahzad from Multan Pakistan

Introduction of Sculpture Artist from Pakistan

Sadiq Ali Shahzad from the South Punjab,  City of Multan. A Mother feeding her child & artist gave it the name of Universe's most biggest truth

 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
A Mother feeding her child & artist gave it the name of Universe’s most biggest truth

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In the US, mass child killings are tragedies. In Pakistan, mere bug splats!

 

The people who operate the drones, Rolling Stone magazine reports, describe their casualties as “bug splats”, “since viewing the body through a grainy-green video image gives the sense of an insect being crushed”. Or they are reduced to vegetation: justifying the drone war, Obama’s counterterrorism adviser Bruce Riedel explained that “you’ve got to mow the lawn all the time. The minute you stop mowing, the grass is going to grow back”. Barack Obama’s tears for the children of Newtown are in stark contrast to his silence over the children murdered by his drones

The Guardian

Connecticut Community Copes With Aftermath Of Elementary School Mass Shooting

A memorial to the victims of the Sandy Hook school shootings in Connecticut. The children killed by US drones in north-west Pakistan ‘have no names, no pictures, no memorials of candles and teddy bears’. Photograph: Spencer Platt/Getty

“Mere words cannot match the depths of your sorrow, nor can they heal your wounded hearts … These tragedies must end. And to end them, we must change.” Every parent can connect with what President Barack Obama said about the murder of 20 children in Newtown, Connecticut. There can scarcely be a person on earth with access to the media who is untouched by the grief of the people of that town.

It must follow that what applies to the children murdered there by a deranged young man also applies to the children murdered in Pakistan by a sombre American president. These children are just as important, just as real, just as deserving of the world’s concern. Yet there are no presidential speeches or presidential tears for them, no pictures on the front pages of the world’s newspapers, no interviews with grieving relatives, no minute analysis of what happened and why.

If the victims of Mr Obama’s drone strikes are mentioned by the state at all, they are discussed in terms which suggest that they are less than human. The people who operate the drones, Rolling Stone magazine reports, describe their casualties as “bug splats”, “since viewing the body through a grainy-green video image gives the sense of an insect being crushed”. Or they are reduced to vegetation: justifying the drone war, Obama’s counterterrorism adviser Bruce Riedel explained that “you’ve got to mow the lawn all the time. The minute you stop mowing, the grass is going to grow back”.

Like George Bush’s government in Iraq, Obama’s administration neither documents nor acknowledges the civilian casualties of the CIA’s drone strikes in north-west Pakistan. But a report by the law schools at Stanford and New York universities suggests that during the first three years of his time in office, the 259 strikes for which he is ultimately responsible killed between 297 and 569 civilians, of whom at least 64 were children. These are figures extracted from credible reports: there may be more which have not been fully documented.

The wider effects on the children of the region have been devastating. Many have been withdrawn from school because of fears that large gatherings of any kind are being targeted. There have been several strikes on schools since Bush launched the drone programme that Obama has expanded so enthusiastically: one of Bush’s blunders killed 69 children.

The study reports that children scream in terror when they hear the sound of a drone. A local psychologist says that their fear and the horrors they witness is causing permanent mental scarring. Children wounded in drone attacks told the researchers that they are too traumatised to go back to school and have abandoned hopes of the careers they might have had. Their dreams as well as their bodies have been broken.

Obama does not kill children deliberately. But their deaths are an inevitable outcome of the way his drones are deployed. We don’t know what emotional effect these deaths might have on him, as neither he nor his officials will discuss the matter: almost everything to do with the CIA’s extrajudicial killings in Pakistan is kept secret. But you get the impression that no one in the administration is losing much sleep over it.

Two days before the murders in Newtown, Obama’s press secretary was asked about women and children being killed by drones in Yemen and Pakistan. He refused to answer, on the grounds that such matters are “classified”. Instead, he directed the journalist to a speech by John Brennan, Obama’s counter-terrorism assistant. Brennan insists that “al-Qaida’s killing of innocents, mostly Muslim men, women and children, has badly tarnished its appeal and image in the eyes of Muslims”.

He appears unable to see that the drone war has done the same for the US. To Brennan the people of north-west Pakistan are neither insects nor grass: his targets are a “cancerous tumour”, the rest of society “the tissue around it”. Beware of anyone who describes a human being as something other than a human being.

Yes, he conceded, there is occasionally a little “collateral damage”, but the US takes “extraordinary care [to] ensure precision and avoid the loss of innocent life”. It will act only if there’s “an actual ongoing threat” to American lives. This is cock and bull with bells on.

The “signature strike” doctrine developed under Obama, which has no discernible basis in law, merely looks for patterns. A pattern could consist of a party of unknown men carrying guns (which scarcely distinguishes them from the rest of the male population of north-west Pakistan), or a group of unknown people who look as if they might be plotting something. This is how wedding and funeral parties get wiped out; this is why 40 elders discussing royalties from a chromite mine were blown up in March last year. It is one of the reasons why children continue to be killed.

 

Obama has scarcely mentioned the drone programme and has said nothing about its killing of children. The only statement I can find is a brief and vague response during a video conference last January. The killings have been left to others to justify. In October the Democratic cheerleader Joe Klein claimed on MSNBC that “the bottom line in the end is whose four-year-old gets killed? What we’re doing is limiting the possibility that four-year-olds here will get killed by indiscriminate acts of terror”. As Glenn Greenwald has pointed out, killing four-year-olds is what terrorists do. It doesn’t prevent retaliatory murders, it encourages them, as grief and revenge are often accomplices.

Most of the world’s media, which has rightly commemorated the children of Newtown, either ignores Obama’s murders or accepts the official version that all those killed are “militants”. The children of north-west Pakistan, it seems, are not like our children. They have no names, no pictures, no memorials of candles and flowers and teddy bears. They belong to the other: to the non-human world of bugs and grass and tissue.

“Are we,” Obama asked on Sunday, “prepared to say that such violence visited on our children year after year after year is somehow the price of our freedom?” It’s a valid question. He should apply it to the violence he is visiting on the children of Pakistan.


Twitter: @georgemonbiot

www.monbiot.com

Article ReferenceConnecticut Community Copes With Aftermath Of Elementary School Mass Shooting The Guardian, UK, Dec 17, 2012

References:

1. http://www.guardian.co.uk/world/2012/dec/17/obama-speech-newtown-school-shooting

2. http://www.rollingstone.com/politics/news/the-rise-of-the-killer-drones-how-america-goes-to-war-in-secret-20120416

3. http://articles.washingtonpost.com/2012-10-23/world/35500278_1_drone-campaign-obama-administration-matrix

4. International Human Rights and Conflict Resolution Clinic at Stanford Law School and Global Justice Clinic at NYU School Of Law, September 2012. Living Under
Drones: Death, Injury and Trauma to Civilians from US Drone Practices in Pakistan.

http://livingunderdrones.org/wp-content/uploads/2012/10/Stanford-NYU-LIVING-UNDER-DRONES.pdf

5. eg http://www.thenews.com.pk/TodaysPrintDetail.aspx?ID=4043&Cat=13&dt=11/5/2006

6. International Human Rights and Conflict Resolution Clinic at Stanford Law School and Global Justice Clinic at NYU School Of Law, September 2012, as above.

7. http://www.whitehouse.gov/the-press-office/2012/12/12/press-briefing-press-secretary-jay-carney-12122012

8. John Brennan, 30th April 2012. The Ethics and Efficacy of the President’s Counterterrorism Strategy. http://www.wilsoncenter.org/event/the-efficacy-and-ethics-us-counterterrorism-strategy

9. John Brennan, as above.

10. International Human Rights and Conflict Resolution Clinic at Stanford Law School and Global Justice Clinic at NYU School Of Law, September 2012, as above.

11. http://dawn.com/2011/03/18/rare-condemnation-by-pm-army-chief-40-killed-in-drone-attack/

12. http://dawn.com/2011/03/18/rare-condemnation-by-pm-army-chief-40-killed-in-drone-attack/

13. http://www.guardian.co.uk/commentisfree/2012/oct/23/klein-drones-morning-joe

14. http://www.guardian.co.uk/commentisfree/2012/oct/23/klein-drones-morning-joe

15. http://www.guardian.co.uk/world/2012/dec/17/obama-speech-newtown-school-shooting

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Wikileaks: Kayani wanted more drone strikes in Pakistan:Zardari, Gilani, Kayani, and Rehman Malik are vulnerable to a future war crimes tribunal

I don’t care if they do it as long as they get the right people. We’ll protest in the National Assembly and then ignore it. Yousuf Raza Gilani, PM

 

Cables obtained state that Kayani was requesting the US for greater drone back-up.

Newly released Wikileaks cables revealed that the US military’s drone strikes programme within Pakistan had more than just tacit acceptance of the country’s top military brass, despite public posturing to the contrary. The cables state that the country’s military was requesting the US for greater drone back-up for its own military operations as long ago as January 2008.

According to cables , the US account of Kayani’s request for “Predator coverage” does not make clear if mere air surveillance were being requested or missile-armed drones were being sought.

According to the report of the meeting sent back to Washington by Patterson, Admiral Fallon “regretted that he did not have the assets to support this request” but offered trained US Marines (known as JTACs) to coordinate air strikes for Pakistani infantry forces on ground. General Kayani “demurred” on the offer, pointing out that having US soldiers on ground “would not be politically acceptable.”

As reported earlier in The Express Tribune, WikiLeaks cables revealed that Prime Minister Yousaf Raza Gilani allowed drone strikes in the tribal areas of Pakistan, saying they would protest the attacks in the National Assembly and then ignore them.

When Interior Minister Rehman Malik advised the US to hold off “alleged Predator attacks until after the Bajaur operation”, Gilani brushed off the remarks saying:

I don’t care if they do it as long as they get the right people. We’ll protest in the National Assembly and then ignore it.

According to a leaked cable published on NDTV, in an earlier meeting on January 9, 2008 with Codel Lieberman, Chief of Army Staff (COAS) Kayani agreed that increased training and exercises with the US would be of great value, but urged that US-Pakistan military engagement remain low-key for domestic political reasons. Lieberman underscored need for Pakistan to hold free, fair elections in February.

They also discussed the need to add a humanitarian aspect to Pakistan’s counterinsurgency strategy. Kayani noted four areas in which the Army was requesting technical assistance.

Kayani's War Crimes

General Kayani leaves himself open to a future War Crimes Trial for Allowing Drone Attacks on Non-combatants.

 cable dated February 19, 2009 sates:

The strikes have put increasing political pressure on the Pakistani government, which has struggled to explain why it is allowing an ally to violate its sovereignty. The GOP so far has denied recent media reports alleging that the U.S. is launching the strikes from bases in Pakistan. Kayani knows full well that the strikes have been precise (creating few civilian casualties) and targeted primarily at foreign fighters in the Waziristans. He will argue, however, that they undermine his campaign plan, which is to keep the Waziristans quiet until the Army is capable of attacking Baitullah Mehsud and other militants entrenched there.

The cable states that Anne Patterson remarks that “Kayani is often direct, frank, and thoughtful. .. is an avid golfer, he is President of the Pakistan Golf Association. He smokes heavily and can be difficult to understand as he tends to mumble.

 

The full text of the cables can be read on Dawn.comThe Hindu and NDTV. WikiLeaks has previously released cables to other media organisations including Guardian and the New York Times.

 

 

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The lesser children of Pakistan

The lesser children of Pakistan

Unknown-19In the US, mass child killings are tragedies. In Pakistan, mere bug splats

Barack Obama’s tears for the children of Newtown are in stark contrast to his silence over the children murdered by his drones

 

2009.08.21 Syed Wali Shah Aged 7, killed in strike Ob32 / Noor Behram

“Mere words cannot match the depths of your sorrow, nor can they heal your wounded hearts … These tragedies must end. And to end them, we must change.” Every parent can connect with what President Barack Obama said about the murder of 20 children in Newtown, Connecticut.  There can scarcely be a person on earth with access to the media who is untouched by the grief of the people of that town.Description: http://www.area148.com/cms/wp-includes/js/tinymce/plugins/wordpress/img/trans.gif

 

It must follow that what applies to the children murdered there by a deranged young man also applies to the children murdered in Pakistan by a sombre American president. These children are just as important, just as real, just as deserving of the world’s concern. Yet there are no presidential speeches or presidential tears for them, no pictures on the front pages of the world’s newspapers, no interviews with grieving relatives, no minute analysis of what happened and why.

If the victims of Mr Obama’s drone strikes are mentioned by the state at all, they are discussed in terms which suggest that they are less than human. The people who operate the drones, Rolling Stone magazine reports, describe their casualties as “bug splats”, “since viewing the body through a grainy-green video image gives the sense of an insect being crushed”. Or they are reduced to vegetation: justifying the drone war, Obama’s counterterrorism adviser Bruce Riedel explained that “you’ve got to mow the lawn all the time. The minute you stop mowing, the grass is going to grow back”.

Like George Bush’s government in Iraq, Obama’s administration neither documents nor acknowledges the civilian casualties of the CIA’s drone strikes in north-west Pakistan.

 But a report by the law schools at Stanford and New York universities suggests that during the first three years of his time in office, the 259 strikes for which he is ultimately responsible killed between 297 and 569 civilians, of whom at least 64 were children. These are figures extracted from credible reports: there may be more which have not been fully documented.

The wider effects on the children of the region have been devastating. Many have been withdrawn from school because of fears that large gatherings of any kind are being targeted. There have been several strikes on schools since Bush launched the drone programme that Obama has expanded so enthusiastically: one of Bush’s blunders killed 69 children.

The study reports that children scream in terror when they hear the sound of a drone. A local psychologist says that their fear and the horrors they witness is causing permanent mental scarring. Children wounded in drone attacks told the researchers that they are too traumatised to go back to school and have abandoned hopes of the careers they might have had. Their dreams as well as their bodies have been broken.

Obama does not kill children deliberately. But their deaths are an inevitable outcome of the way his drones are deployed. We don’t know what emotional effect these deaths might have on him, as neither he nor his officials will discuss the matter: almost everything to do with the CIA’s extrajudicial killings in Pakistan is kept secret. But you get the impression that no one in the administration is losing much sleep over it.

Two days before the murders in Newtown, Obama’s press secretary was asked about women and children being killed by drones in Yemen and Pakistan. He refused to answer, on the grounds that such matters are “classified”. Instead, he directed the journalist to a speech by John Brennan, Obama’s counter-terrorism assistant. Brennan insists that “al-Qaida’s killing of innocents, mostly Muslim men, women and children, has badly tarnished its appeal and image in the eyes of Muslims”.

He appears unable to see that the drone war has done the same for the US. To Brennan the people of north-west Pakistan are neither insects nor grass: his targets are a “cancerous tumour”, the rest of society “the tissue around it”. Beware of anyone who describes a human being as something other than a human being.

Yes, he conceded, there is occasionally a little “collateral damage”, but the US takes “extraordinary care [to] ensure precision and avoid the loss of innocent life”. It will act only if there’s “an actual ongoing threat” to American lives. This is cock and bull with bells on.

The “signature strike” doctrine developed under Obama, which has no discernible basis in law, merely looks for patterns. A pattern could consist of a party of unknown men carrying guns (which scarcely distinguishes them from the rest of the male population of north-west Pakistan), or a group of unknown people who look as if they might be plotting something. 

This is how wedding and funeral parties get wiped out; this is why 40 elders discussing royalties from a chromite mine were blown up in March last year. It is one of the reasons why children continue to be killed.

Obama has scarcely mentioned the drone programme and has said nothing about its killing of children. The only statement I can find is a brief and vague response during a video conference last January. The killings have been left to others to justify. In October the Democratic cheerleader Joe Klein claimed on MSNBC that “the bottom line in the end is whose four-year-old gets killed? What we’re doing is limiting the possibility that four-year-olds here will get killed by indiscriminate acts of terror”.

 As Glenn Greenwald has pointed out, killing four-year-olds is what terrorists do. It doesn’t prevent retaliatory murders, it encourages them, as grief and revenge are often accomplices.

Most of the world’s media, which has rightly commemorated the children of Newtown, either ignores Obama’s murders or accepts the official version that all those killed are “militants”. 

The children of north-west Pakistan, it seems, are not like our children. They have no names, no pictures, no memorials of candles and flowers and teddy bears. They belong to the other: to the non-human world of bugs and grass and tissue.

“Are we,” Obama asked on Sunday, “prepared to say that such violence visited on our children year after year after year is somehow the price of our freedom?” It’s a valid question. 

Drone statistics visualised

These graphs accurately reflect the Bureau’s data on CIA drone strikes in Pakistan to February 16 2012, the date of the last known strikes.

They are designed to illustrate in the simplest possible way key statistical data from our investigation. 

A chart illustrating total number of strikes since 2004, minimum total casualties and reported civilian casualties. Data accurate as of 20/02/12.

This graph illustrates the number of reported civilian deaths year by year. Data accurate as of 20/02/12.

This graph shows the total number of people reportedly killed in CIA drone strikes. Data accurate as of 20/02/12.

This graph demonstrates all known drone strikes in Pakistan between 2004 – 2012. Data accurate as of 20/02/12.

Source:  http://www.thebureauinvestigates.com/2011/08/10/resources-and-graphs/

 

 
 
 

In the US, mass child killings are tragedies. In Pakistan, mere bug splats

Barack Obama’s tears for the children of Newtown are in stark contrast to his silence over the children murdered by his drones

Connecticut Community Copes With Aftermath Of Elementary School Mass Shooting

A memorial to the victims of the Sandy Hook school shootings in Connecticut. The children killed by US drones in north-west Pakistan ‘have no names, no pictures, no memorials of candles and teddy bears’. Photograph: Spencer Platt/Getty

“Mere words cannot match the depths of your sorrow, nor can they heal your wounded hearts … These tragedies must end. And to end them, we must change.” Every parent can connect with what President Barack Obama said about the murder of 20 children in Newtown, Connecticut. There can scarcely be a person on earth with access to the media who is untouched by the grief of the people of that town.

It must follow that what applies to the children murdered there by a deranged young man also applies to the children murdered in Pakistan by a sombre American president. These children are just as important, just as real, just as deserving of the world’s concern. Yet there are no presidential speeches or presidential tears for them, no pictures on the front pages of the world’s newspapers, no interviews with grieving relatives, no minute analysis of what happened and why.

If the victims of Mr Obama’s drone strikes are mentioned by the state at all, they are discussed in terms which suggest that they are less than human. The people who operate the drones, Rolling Stone magazine reports, describe their casualties as “bug splats”, “since viewing the body through a grainy-green video image gives the sense of an insect being crushed”. Or they are reduced to vegetation: justifying the drone war, Obama’s counterterrorism adviser Bruce Riedel explained that “you’ve got to mow the lawn all the time. The minute you stop mowing, the grass is going to grow back”.

Like George Bush’s government in Iraq, Obama’s administration neither documents nor acknowledges the civilian casualties of the CIA’s drone strikes in north-west Pakistan. But a report by the law schools at Stanford and New York universities suggests that during the first three years of his time in office, the 259 strikes for which he is ultimately responsible killed between 297 and 569 civilians, of whom at least 64 were children. These are figures extracted from credible reports: there may be more which have not been fully documented.

The wider effects on the children of the region have been devastating. Many have been withdrawn from school because of fears that large gatherings of any kind are being targeted. There have been several strikes on schools since Bush launched the drone programme that Obama has expanded so enthusiastically: one of Bush’s blunders killed 69 children.

The study reports that children scream in terror when they hear the sound of a drone. A local psychologist says that their fear and the horrors they witness is causing permanent mental scarring. Children wounded in drone attacks told the researchers that they are too traumatised to go back to school and have abandoned hopes of the careers they might have had. Their dreams as well as their bodies have been broken.

Obama does not kill children deliberately. But their deaths are an inevitable outcome of the way his drones are deployed. We don’t know what emotional effect these deaths might have on him, as neither he nor his officials will discuss the matter: almost everything to do with the CIA’s extrajudicial killings in Pakistan is kept secret. But you get the impression that no one in the administration is losing much sleep over it.

Two days before the murders in Newtown, Obama’s press secretary was asked about women and children being killed by drones in Yemen and Pakistan. He refused to answer, on the grounds that such matters are “classified”. Instead, he directed the journalist to a speech by John Brennan, Obama’s counter-terrorism assistant. Brennan insists that “al-Qaida’s killing of innocents, mostly Muslim men, women and children, has badly tarnished its appeal and image in the eyes of Muslims”.

He appears unable to see that the drone war has done the same for the US. To Brennan the people of north-west Pakistan are neither insects nor grass: his targets are a “cancerous tumour”, the rest of society “the tissue around it”. Beware of anyone who describes a human being as something other than a human being.

Yes, he conceded, there is occasionally a little “collateral damage”, but the US takes “extraordinary care [to] ensure precision and avoid the loss of innocent life”. It will act only if there’s “an actual ongoing threat” to American lives. This is cock and bull with bells on.

The “signature strike” doctrine developed under Obama, which has no discernible basis in law, merely looks for patterns. A pattern could consist of a party of unknown men carrying guns (which scarcely distinguishes them from the rest of the male population of north-west Pakistan), or a group of unknown people who look as if they might be plotting something. This is how wedding and funeral parties get wiped out; this is why 40 elders discussing royalties from a chromite mine were blown up in March last year. It is one of the reasons why children continue to be killed.

 

Obama has scarcely mentioned the drone programme and has said nothing about its killing of children. The only statement I can find is a brief and vague response during a video conference last January. The killings have been left to others to justify. In October the Democratic cheerleader Joe Klein claimed on MSNBC that “the bottom line in the end is whose four-year-old gets killed? What we’re doing is limiting the possibility that four-year-olds here will get killed by indiscriminate acts of terror”. As Glenn Greenwald has pointed out, killing four-year-olds is what terrorists do. It doesn’t prevent retaliatory murders, it encourages them, as grief and revenge are often accomplices.

Most of the world’s media, which has rightly commemorated the children of Newtown, either ignores Obama’s murders or accepts the official version that all those killed are “militants”. The children of north-west Pakistan, it seems, are not like our children. They have no names, no pictures, no memorials of candles and flowers and teddy bears. They belong to the other: to the non-human world of bugs and grass and tissue.

“Are we,” Obama asked on Sunday, “prepared to say that such violence visited on our children year after year after year is somehow the price of our freedom?” It’s a valid question. He should apply it to the violence he is visiting on the children of Pakistan.

Twitter: @georgemonbiot

 

Wikileaks: Kayani wanted more drone strikes in Pakistan

Published: May 20, 2011

Cables obtained state that Kayani was requesting the US for greater drone back-up.

Newly released Wikileaks cables revealed that the US military’s drone strikes programme within Pakistan had more than just tacit acceptance of the country’s top military brass, despite public posturing to the contrary. The cables state that the country’s military was requesting the US for greater drone back-up for its own military operations as long ago as January 2008.

According to cables , the US account of Kayani’s request for “Predator coverage” does not make clear if mere air surveillance were being requested or missile-armed drones were being sought.

According to the report of the meeting sent back to Washington by Patterson, Admiral Fallon “regretted that he did not have the assets to support this request” but offered trained US Marines (known as JTACs) to coordinate air strikes for Pakistani infantry forces on ground. General Kayani “demurred” on the offer, pointing out that having US soldiers on ground “would not be politically acceptable.”

As reported earlier in The Express Tribune, WikiLeaks cables revealed that Prime Minister Yousaf Raza Gilani allowed drone strikes in the tribal areas of Pakistan, saying they would protest the attacks in the National Assembly and then ignore them.

When Interior Minister Rehman Malik advised the US to hold off “alleged Predator attacks until after the Bajaur operation”, Gilani brushed off the remarks saying:

I don’t care if they do it as long as they get the right people. We’ll protest in the National Assembly and then ignore it.

According to a leaked cable published on NDTV, in an earlier meeting on January 9, 2008 with Codel Lieberman, Chief of Army Staff (COAS) Kayani agreed that increased training and exercises with the US would be of great value, but urged that US-Pakistan military engagement remain low-key for domestic political reasons. Lieberman underscored need for Pakistan to hold free, fair elections in February.

They also discussed the need to add a humanitarian aspect to Pakistan’s counterinsurgency strategy. Kayani noted four areas in which the Army was requesting technical assistance.

A cable dated February 19, 2009 sates:

The strikes have put increasing political pressure on the Pakistani government, which has struggled to explain why it is allowing an ally to violate its sovereignty. The GOP so far has denied recent media reports alleging that the U.S. is launching the strikes from bases in Pakistan. Kayani knows full well that the strikes have been precise (creating few civilian casualties) and targeted primarily at foreign fighters in the Waziristans. He will argue, however, that they undermine his campaign plan, which is to keep the Waziristans quiet until the Army is capable of attacking Baitullah Mehsud and other militants entrenched there.

The cable states that Anne Patterson remarks that “Kayani is often direct, frank, and thoughtful. .. is an avid golfer, he is President of the Pakistan Golf Association. He smokes heavily and can be difficult to understand as he tends to mumble.

 

The full text of the cables can be read on Dawn.comThe Hindu and NDTV. WikiLeaks has previously released cables to other media organisations including Guardian and the New York Times.

 

 

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FUNNIEST VIDEO FROM PAKISTAN: Oscar Winning Performance of MQM’s Don Altaf Hussain’s Crocodile Tears & An Inquiry into Imran Farooq Murder

Pakistans-MQM-leader-Alta-006-1 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

Imran Farooq murder: the bloody past of the MQM

 The party of Imran Farooq, who has been assassinated in London, has a dark reputation that it has never left behind

Altaf Hussain, the London-based head of MQM, sheds Crocodile Tears for  Imran Farooq. Photograph: AFP/Getty Images Major (Retd) Nadeem Dar has made this video to give some information regarding the murder of Dr. Imran Farooq and to bring the realities behind many murders did by Altaf Hussain and his criminal mafia. This video is also and evidence to prove MQM-Altaf Hussain as leader of terrorist. Altaf Hussain is a criminal minded person and always behind each crime of the Mutthida Qaumi Movement in Pakistan and even in London. MQM is a Terrorist Organization. Walli Khan murder and MQM Altaf Hussain is behind his Murder

 

It is one of the great enigmas of Pakistani politics. For over 18 years the affairs of Karachi, the country’s largest city and thrumming economic hub, have been run from a shabby office block more than 4,000 miles away in a suburb of north London.

The man at the heart of this unusual situation is Altaf Hussain, a barrel-shaped man with a caterpillar moustache and a vigorous oratorical style who inspires both reverence and fear in the sprawling south Asian city he effectively runs by remote control.

Hussain is the undisputed tsar of the mohajirs, the descendents of Muslim migrants who flooded into Pakistan during the tumult of partition from India in 1947, and who today form Karachi’s largest ethnic group.

A firebrand of student politics, Hussain galvanized the mohajirs into a potent political force in 1984, when he formed the Mohajir Qaumi Movement – now known as the Muttahida Qaumi Movement, or MQM. The party swept elections in the city in 1987 and 1988 but quickly developed a reputation for violence.

At early rallies Hussain surrounded himself with gunmen and urged supporters to “sell your VCRs and buy kalashnikovs”; violence later erupted between the MQM and ethnic Sindhi rivals and, later, against the army, which deployed troops to Karachi in the early 1990s.

It was during the tumult of this time that Hussain and his right-hand man, Imran Farooq, who has just been killed in London, fled the city, in the wake of a slew of police accusations of involvement in racketeering and killing.

Both men vigorously denied the charges, insisting that they were politically motivated and took refuge in London to set up a base for the MQM in Edgware, a quiet suburb in the north of the city.

Since then, Hussain has run the party from exile with a tight grip. In Pakistan the party is officially led by Farooq Sattar, a mild-mannered former mayor of Karachi, but most decisions of significance are taken by Hussain.

His trademark feature is a pair of coffee-tinted Aviator shades and he speaks in a sometimes maniacal style. But few of his supporters, many of whom are women, can see him: Hussain has pioneered the “telephone rally” in Pakistan, addressing tens of thousands of people crowded into Karachi streets around a loudspeaker linked up to a telephone.

Under Sattar, the party has tried hard to shake its association with violence in recent years. It won control of Karachi city council during Pervez Musharraf’s rule in 2005, and has won praise for the construction of highways, water schemes and other city amenities. Business leaders in particular have praised its management of an often chaotic city.

But the dark reputation has not entirely gone away. In May 2007 armed MQM supporters held the city hostage during a day of political violence, triggered by Musharraf who is himself a mohajir, that saw more than 40 people killed.

Last month, Raza Haider, a senior MQM official, was gunned down as he said his prayers, triggering a ferocious wave of tit-for-tat killings involving the MQM and rivals in ethnic Pashtun parties and the ruling Pakistan People’s Party, whose Karachi factions are also armed.

The MQM has also been split by rivalries within the mohajir community that have seen periodic blood-letting, both within the MQM and with a breakaway faction known as MQM-Haqiqi, which was fostered in the 1990s by Pakistan intelligence as a means of breaking Hussain’s stranglehold on power in Karachi.

Now, with the gruesome killing of Farooq, a senior if largely colourless figure, the bloodshed appears to have spread from Pakistan to the streets of north London.

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