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Archive for May, 2012

سییکر کی رولنگ، عمران خان کا سپریم کورٹ جانیکااعلان

راولپنڈی۔ پاکستان تحریک انصاف کے سربراہ عمران

خان نے وزیراعظم سید یوسف رضا گیلانی کی نا اہلی کے حوالے سے سپیکر قو می اسمبلی کی رولنگ کے خلاف سپریم کورٹ جانے کا اعلان کیا ہے ۔ وہ راولپنڈی کے لیاقت باغ میں تحریک انصاف کے جلسے سے خطاب کرہے تھے۔ انہوں نے کہا کہ عدالت کے فیصلے کے بعد یوسف رضا گیلانی وزیر اعظم نہیں رہے ہیں ۔ انہوں نے کہا کہ قانون کی حکمرانی ہی ہمیں عظیم قوم بنا سکتی ہے۔

عمران خان نے کہا کہ خواتین تحریک انصاف کی بڑی قوت ہیں ۔ انہوں نے کہا کہ وزیر اعظم سید یوسف رضا گیلانی کی نا اہلی کے حوالے سے اسپیکر قو می اسمبلی کی رولنگ کے خلاف وہ سپریم کورٹ جائیں گے ۔ انہوں نے کہا کہ تحریک انصاف پاکستان کو فلاحی ریاست بنائے گی ۔ انہوں نے کہا کہ پاکستان سے ظلم کا نظام ختم کرنا ہے۔

قبل ازیں تحریک انصاف کے رہنما جاوید ہاشمی نے جلسے سے خطاب کرتے ہوئے کہا کہ برے حالات میں شریف برادران ملک چھوڑ جاتے ہیں ۔ میں راولپنڈی کی نشست چھوڑ نا نہیں چاہتا تھا لیکن مسلم لیگ نون نے سازش کی ۔ تحریک انصاف آئندہ انتخابات میں کامیابی حاصل کرے گی ۔ انہوں نے کہا کہ وہ چوہدری نثار کو چیلنج کرتے ہیں وہ راولپنڈی سے الیکشن لڑیں ۔انہوں نے کہا کہ ڈرون حملوں نے پاکستان کی خود مختاری کو نقصان پہنچایا۔

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Indian Prostitutes of god

Former Independent journalist Sarah Harris has made a documentary about India’s temple prostitutes – Devadasi are young girls who are dedicated to a Hindu deity at a young age and support their families as sex workers.

The first instalment of the four-part exclusively online documentary ‘Prostitutes of God’ goes live today on VBS.tv.

 

I first went to India after I left The Independent three years ago. I wanted to run away and do something really different, so I went to volunteer with a charity in southern India which rescues victims of sex trafficking.

On my very first day there I stumbled into a meeting of Devadasi prostitutes. I was told that they were temple prostitutes, but didn’t have any understanding of what that meant.

I began to research it and in February 2008 was invited to northern Karnataka, which is the centre of the tradition in India. I interviewed a few of the women and wrote an article about it for Vice magazine. But visiting them stayed with me, and I wanted to find out more.

When you approach a Devadasi girl for interview the response varies hugely. There’s a huge spectrum of women. A really wealthy brothel madam in Mumbai would be quite proud to talk about what she does. But in very poor rural communities, like in Karnatakar, they’re much more difficult to talk to. These young women are ostracised and exploited and they’re ashamed of what they do. They wish they could get married, but they can’t and are in this dreadful prison.

The only thing that has changed since the Devadasi practise was made illegal in 1988 is that the ceremonies have been driven underground. It’s still very common in some parts of India. A Westerner wouldn’t know to look at the girls that they are Devadasi, but Indians know on sight who they are and what they do. Really it comes down to caste.

Caste is a massively complicated issue still in India. My understanding of it is that originally when the Devadasi tradition first came about, the women dedicated were from high caste families, even royalty. They held a very special place in the Indian culture: were incredible dancers, poets, artisans. They had specific religious roles to play within the temple performing various sacred religious rites. They were almost like nuns and it had nothing to do with sex. It was more like being a priestess.
The film shows how much the tradition has deteriorated over the centuries. Specifically in the 19th Century when the Christian missionaries came, the Devadasi became less well thought of. These days it’s very much a low caste tradition. Girls from the Madiga caste, otherwise known as the “untouchable caste,” have really limited prospects. They can be agricultural labourers, sewage collectors or prostitutes, essentially. As prostitution is the most lucrative, a lot of Madiga women get into sex work.

Some girls are dedicated to the goddess at age two or three. They won’t actually enter into sex work until they reach puberty at around twelve. The girls most at risk of being dedicated will have grown up in very matriarchal Devadasi communities. There aren’t any men. They don’t have fathers. So there probably is some understanding from a young age that they’re not from traditional families, they don’t have husbands.

The girls probably won’t have a real understanding of the sex work element until what they call their ‘first night’. This is when their virginity is sold to a local man, normally the highest bidder. He might be a local farmer, landowner or businessman. Some of them say, “I was dedicated to the goddess, but I didn’t know this was what was expected.”

When I first went to India I thought some of the women might consider it a kind of honour to be a Devadasi, because of it is an act of religious devotion. Sexuality and divinity are very closely entwined in the Hindu faith. Religion is closely linked to sexuality and beauty. But I think there’s very little religious link left now. Most of the women that we spoke to don’t even pay any heed to the traditional religious practises of the goddess. They see it as a business.

HIV is very prevalent in the community. Our translator, who works very closely with these communities, describes HIV as being like plucking a bunch of grapes. As soon as a woman is infected then her whole family becomes infected. Every man she sleeps with then becomes infected. Then the men pass it onto their wives. It’s very difficult to measure the disease’s prevalence because many don’t understand what that they’ve got.

There is widespread ignorance about AIDS and HIV in those communities. And a huge stigma attached to using condoms. People die of HIV related illnesses and they call it “dying of a fever.” The infected often go undiagnosed. There’s also huge disparity. One of the towns we went to had a huge NGO which was campaigning for the rights of sex workers, distributing condoms and educational materials, so the Devadasi were quite switched on about it.

It’s very difficult for girls to leave the profession. You see groups of former Devadasi becoming social activists and campaigners against the tradition. That’s one way out. Another is to become an educator or a social worker. There is a huge movement to try and stop dedications happening, and the impetus for that is coming from the grass roots. The former Devadasi women.

Living a normal life in India after having been a Devadasi prostitute is extremely, extremely hard because they’re seen as damaged goods. In India marriage is everything. If there’s any suggestion that a girl has had sex before marriage then she’s ostracised from society. Women are still stoned to death in some villages for those kinds of transgressions. So it’s very difficult for them to rebuild their lives

REFERENCE

It was in 2008 that Sarah Harris first made the acquaintance of India’sdevadasi. The former journalist from The Independent on Sunday had, in what she calls “a moment of madness,” thrown in the towel at her old job, and gone to work with victims of sex trafficking in southern India.

“One day, I walked into a meeting at an NGO,” she recalls, “and there were a group of women sitting there, whom I assumed were prostitutes. But later, someone told me that they were actually devadasi or “servants of god”; religious prostitutes, and part of an ancient Hindu tradition. It was at that point my interest was piqued.”

Deciding that the devadasi would make an interesting subject for a documentary, Harris began to research the custom’s history, concentrating particularly on the state of Karnataka. She discovered that the tradition there stretched back as long ago as the sixth century, when young girls, often from wealthy backgrounds, were dedicated to local temples. After going through a dedication ceremony which “married” them to the fertility goddess Yellamma, they would act as temple care-takers: performing rituals in honour of their goddess, as well as dancing and playing music for the entertainment of wealthy locals.

Over time, however, the tradition began to change, and the devadasibecame less respected. “Many ended up becoming the mistress of a particular ‘patron’ – often a royal, or nobleman – as well as serving in the temple,” says Harris, “and eventually, the connection with the temple became severed altogether. Today, although there are still many women called devadasi, and who have been dedicated to the goddess, a lot of them are essentially prostitutes.”

So how did the devadasi fall from grace? “The practice was outlawed in India in 1988,” says Harris, “by which point, its connection with prostitution was well-established. But it seems to have been linked to the fall of the old Hindu kingdoms over several hundreds of years. As Christianity spread especially, temples lost their influence, and women were forced out onto the streets.”

As research for her documentary, Prostitutes of God, Harris and her team spent several months tracking down and meeting some of the estimated 23,000 devadasi in Karnataka. Getting access to the women posed a challenge, but Sarah’s experience working for NGOs managed to provide her with several leads. Out of those she interviewed, nearly all cited economic need rather than religious tradition as the main reason behind their chosen path.

“Many devadasi are sold into the sex trade by their families,” she says. “The parents know that they’re not really giving their children to be religious servants, but they turn a blind eye. The only devadasi I met who saw the tradition as strictly religious was a rather bizarre cross-dressing male version, who spends several hours a day in prayer.”

The most interesting fact yielded by Harris’ investigation was how female-driven the industry is. “It’s very much women recruiting women. When the devadasi become older and can’t attract the same business, they end up trafficking, and taking girls from the small villages to big cities like Bangalore, where they set up brothels. Most of the girls chosen are illiterate agricultural workers, who go because they think they’ll make more money as devadasi than if they work on the land.”

Do any make their fortune? “A few can – a client might pay a few thousand pounds for a night with a virgin devadasi. But a lot of devadasiin their 30s or 40s are selling sex for about thirty or forty pence. The strange thing is that though they see themselves as superior to non-religious prostitutes – and even though they often dress to look different, with distinctive jewellery and clothes – I don’t think the clients see much difference.”

Nearly three years after a whim first took her to India, Harris is back in Britain with her documentary in the can. “One of the reasons I wanted to go to India was because I visited it when I was 19, and it was so strange it just terrified me,” she says. “Now, I feel that I’ve got to know the country properly – and learnt about something astonishing on the way.”

Prostitutes of god can be watched at VBS.TV from September 20. (Reference)

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TRUE FACE OF INDIA AND HINDUISM EXPOSED: “The devadasi [child prostitutes]—servants of the gods

Excerpts from

Amy Carmichael

Let the Little Children Come

by Lois Hoadley Dick

See also Job, Suffering, and Spiritual Warfare: “Struck down, but not destroyed”

For Our Children

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“Thousands of young innocent children are condemned to a life of immorality and vice, of suffering and disease and finally of death resulting from infections and venereal diseases contracted in the pursuit of their profession as Hindu religious prostitutes.” Dr. M. Reddi.

“The devadasi [child prostitutes]—servants of the gods—who subsist by dancing and music, and the practice of the oldest profession in the world, are partly recruited by admissions and even purchases from other classes. The daughters of the caste who are brought up to follow the caste profession are carefully taught dancing and singing and the art of dressing well.” The Indian Census Report of 1901.

“No respectable person would dedicate his young girl or child to a temple and throw her to the tender mercies of regular prostitutes or put her in such an unfavorable, loathsome environment, except with the object of seeing her turn out as a prostitute.” Sir Maneckji Tadabhoy (Council of State Debates, Simla, September 1927, p. 1138)

 

“Sacredness with allurements, religion with lust, art with sensuousness, have combined.” Santosh Chatterjee, Devadasi.


“‘A Hindu must not take life, not even put an end to hopeless animal pain,’ explains one text. The cow, especially, represents all the gods combined and is equal to a high-caste Brahmin. It is a greater sin to kill a cow than to kill a man. (An estimated 230 million cows wander the streets of India, starving, diseased, suffering thirst. If injured, they are left to die.) In unexplainable contrast, it is permitted to inflict pain upon animals. A bull pulling a cart may have his tail twisted until the bones break to make him hurry.

 

“A Hindu man fears his soul may enter hell unless he leaves sons behind him to pray for his speedy reincarnation. Only a son can perform the funeral ritual so the father may possibly have a brief stay in heaven….

“Caste (the word means color) began when the Aryan invaders in the year 2000 B.C. conquered India’s black aborigines and dark-skinned Dravidians. Since the deity determines caste, to break caste is a great sin.

“The temples, thousands upon ten thousands all over India, sometimes carved from one solid mountain of rock, were fabulously wealthy, yet the concept of charity did not exist. The temples never gave to anyone; they took only. Idols and shrines were everywhere.

“Amy Carmichael described one scene of worship. The Hindu crouched over a pond or stream or Place of water which represented to him the sacred Ganges. He bathed, then marked his forehead, arms, or breast with his cult signs. Tying up his hair, he scooped up water in the right hand and poured, it into his mouth for inner purification, calling upon his particular god. Then, the regulation of the breath….

“The goddess Kali stood upon the body of a child, her own black tongue lolling out, wearing a necklace of the skulls of children, a headdress of snakes, holding a bloody severed human head, and brandishing a bloody sword. Kali demanded blood sacrifices. Kali was the wife of Shiva, cruel and revengeful. Because she was most feared, she was most worshiped. (pp.40-41)

“A caste of murderous stranglers called Thugs were once devoted to Kali. Their young sons learned in the home how to throw a kerchief around a neck and slowly suffocate a person. Every year thousands of human beings were thus sacrificed to Kali in the name of religion. …  Indian morality was the caste system with its mighty taboos….

“Ordinary, everyday scenes of animist worship were dark and repellent. ‘Main bookhi hun! I am hungry!’ was the cry of Kali. An outcaste Indian stood by the shrine where kid goats were sacrificed and tore the throat of a living goat with his teeth. Throwing it atop the heap of bodies on one side he seized the next kid—on and on, a practice abhorrent to orthodox Hindus, who do not take life.”

Temple Prostitution

 

“Sacred prostitution was common in the Middle East. The devadasis as a caste began in the ninth and tenth centuries, when most of the temples in South India were built.

“Abbe Dubois, writing in the late 1700s, said the devadasis were originally for the exclusive use of the Brahmans….

“In 1870, a Dr. Shortt wrote a paper on the devadasis, certifying that children of age five were used, and children were often kidnapped. In 1892, a man named Fawcett wrote an article in the Anthropological Society of Bombay’s Journal describing children dedicated to a god even before their birth….[p.43]

“The duties of the temple girls were to carry the kumbarti (the sacred light); to fan the idol with chamaras (fans); to dance and sing before the god. They were the only women who could read and write, play an instrument, and sing and dance. Their presence was believed to bring good luck to a wedding, and they had power to avert the ‘evil eye.’

“Indian dancing was a form of storytelling, religious in nature. The position of hands, arms, fingers, the flick of a finger or the subtle movements of eyes, all were significant to the watcher.

 

Indian music is hypnotic. Tight, tense little taps on a drum, then faster, doubling each drum beat, tripling each thrum, harder and faster. A dancer begins to tap her foot to the rhythm, then her hips sway, her hands undulate until, leaping into the center like an uncoiling spring, she and the drum merge and are one. Today the classical dances of the devadasis are performed as entertainment on stages of the world…. p.44

“A converted temple woman confirmed the rumors of a secret underground traffic in children. The child, age eight or nine, was dressed like a bride and taken with another girl of the same community dressed like a boy in the garb of a bridegroom. They both went to the temple to worship the idol. The girl sat facing the god, and the priest gave her flowers and a sandal. He recited mantras and lighted the sacred fire. The tali—marriage symbol—was… a necklace of black beads with a golden disc hanging from it. The garland was put over the idol, after which it was put around the girl’s neck. She was now married to the god, without her knowledge, knowing nothing of the implications. [p.44-45]

“The one who was to dance before the gods was given to the life when very young, otherwise she could not be trained properly. Many babies were given to temple women because it was very meritorious to give a child to the gods. If the child was old enough to miss her mother, she was very carefully watched until she had forgotten her. Sometimes she was shut up in the back part of the temple house and punished if she ran out into the street. Sometimes a child was branded with a hot iron under the arm where it did not show. Sometimes she got just a whipping.

“She was taught to read and learn a great deal of poetry, which was almost entirely debased. The child’s mind was familiarized with sin, and before she knew how to refuse the evil and choose the good, the instinct that would have been her guide was perverted, until the mind was incapable of choice. [p.45]

 

Every temple had a garbha-griha — a womb house—where an idol stood, representing the god, and behind the god the power of Satan.

This was the environment for countless thousands of little children in India. Amy Carmichael, still not knowing of those children, faced the deadness and corruption of the Christian church; the power of Hinduism, caste and customs; the enervating climate; and the lack of sympathy from Christians in both India and Britain.

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Killing for ‘Mother’ Kali

Killing for ‘Mother’ Kali

Of a sudden, a piercing outburst of shrill bleating. We turn the corner of the edifice to reach the open courtyard at the end opposite the shrine. Here stand two priests, one with a cutlass in his hand, the other holding a young goat. The goat shrieks, for in the air is that smell that all beasts fear. A crash of sound, as before the goddess drums thunder. The priest who holds the goat swings it up and drops it, stretched by the legs, its screaming head held fast in a cleft post. The second priest with a single blow of his cutlass decapitates the little creature. The blood gushes forth on the pavement, the drums and the gongs before the goddess burst out wildly. “Kali! Kali! Kali!” shout all the priests and the suppliants together, some flinging themselves face downward on the temple floor.

Meantime, and instantly, a woman who waited behind the killers of the goat has rushed forward and fallen on all fours to lap up the blood with her tongue–“in the hope of having a child.” And now a second woman, stooping, sops at the blood with a cloth, and thrusts the cloth into her bosom, while half a dozen sick, sore dogs, horribly misshapen by nameless diseases, stick their hungry muzzles into the lengthening pool of gore.

“In this manner we kill here from one hundred and fifty to two hundred kids each day,” says Mr. Haldar with some pride. “The worshipers supply the kids.”

From Mother India by Katherine Mayo

Reference

Title:      Mother India
Author:     Katherine Mayo
* A Project Gutenberg of Australia eBook *
eBook No.:  0300811h.html
Edition:    1
Language:   English
Character set encoding:     Latin-1(ISO-8859-1)--8 bit (html)
Date first posted:          May 2003
Date most recently updated: March 2009

 

Click here to find out more!

Human sacrifice has always been an anomaly in India. Even 200 years ago, when a boy was killed every day at a Kali temple in Calcutta, blood cults were at odds with a benign Hindu spiritualism that celebrates abstinence and vegetarianism. But Kali is different. A ferocious slayer of evil in Hindu mythology, the goddess is said to have an insatiable appetite for blood. With the law on killing people more strictly enforced today, ersatz substitutes now stand in for humans when sacrifice is required. Most Kali temples have settled on large pumpkins to represent a human body; other followers slit the throats of two-meter-tall human effigies made of flour, or of animals such as goats.

 

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In secret ceremonies, however, the grizzly practice lives on. Quite simply, say the faithful known as tantrics Kali looks after those who look after her, bringing riches to the poor, revenge to the oppressed and newborn joy to the childless. So far this year, police have recorded at least one case of ritual killing a month. In January, in the southern state of Andhra Pradesh, a 24-year-old woman hacked her three-year-old son to death after a tantric sorcerer supposedly promised unlimited earthly riches. In February, two men in the eastern state of Tripura beheaded a woman on the instructions of a deity they said appeared in their dreams promising hidden treasures. Karmakar killed Manju in Atapur village in Jharkhand state in April. The following month, police dug up the remains of two sisters, aged 18 and 13, in Bihar, dismembered with a ceremonial sword and offered to Kali by their father. Last week on the outskirts of Bombay, maize seller Anil Lakshmikant Singh, 33, beheaded his neighbor’s nine-year-old son to save his marriage on the advice of a tantric. Said Singh: “He promised that a human sacrifice would end all my miseries.”

Far from ancient barbarisms that refuse to die, sacrifice and sorcery are making a comeback. Sociologists explain the millions who now throng the two main Kali centers in eastern India, at Kamakhya and Tarapith, as what happens when the rat race that is India’s future meets the superstitions of its past. Sociologist Ashis Nandy says: “You see your neighbor doing well, above his caste and position, and someone tells you to get a child and do a secret ritual and you can catch up.” Adds mysticism expert Ipsita Roy Chakaraverti: “It’s got nothing to do with real mysticism or with spiritualism. It comes down to pure and simple greed.” Tarapith in particular is a giant building site of new hotels, restaurants and stalls selling plastic swords and postcards of Kali’s severed feet. Judging by the visitors here, Kali appeals to both rich and poor: the rows of SUVs parked outside four-star hotels belong to the ranks of businessmen and politicians lining up with their goats behind penniless pilgrims. (“The blood never dries at Tarapith,” whispers one villager.)

There are no human sacrifices at the temple these days. But the mystique of ritual killing is so powerful that even those who actually don’t perform it claim to do so. In their camp in the cremation grounds beside the temple, a throng of tantrics tout for business by competing to be as spooky as possible, lining their mud-walled temples with human skulls and telling tall tales of human sacrifice. “I cut off her head,” says 64-year-old Baba Swami Vivekanand of a girl he says he raised from birth. “We buried the body and brought the head back, cooked it and ate it.” He pauses to demand a $2 donation. “Good story, no?” While most of this is innocent, some followers, like Karmakar, are inevitably emboldened to take their quest for power to the extreme. Karmakar, like many others, was caught. But in the dust-bowl villages of India, where superstition reigns and blood has a dark authority, the question is how many other “holy men” have found that ultimate power still rests in the murderous magic of a virgin sacrifice.

Reference

Read more: http://www.time.com/time/magazine/article/0,9171,322673,00.html#ixzz1w6kzrIH0

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THE CULT OF HINDUISM: SWASTIKAS AND LINGAM (PENIS WORSHIP): “The last state of degradation to which human nature can be driven”लिङ्गं

British missionary William Ward criticized the worship of the lingam (along with virtually all other Indian religious rituals) in his influential 1815 book A View of the History, Literature, and Mythology of the Hindoos, calling it “the last state of degradation to which human nature can be driven”, and stating that its symbolism was “too gross, even when refined as much as possible, to meet the public eye.”

The Swastika Symbol

The swastika (from Sanskrit svástika) is an equilateral cross with its arms bent at right angles, in either right-facing form or its mirrored left-facing form. Archaeological evidence of swastika-shaped ornaments have been dated to the Neolithic period and was first found in the Indus Valley Civilization of the Indian Subcontinent. It occurs today mainly in the modern day culture of northern India, sometimes as a geometrical motif and sometimes as a religious symbol.

In Hinduism, the two symbols represent the two forms of the creator god Brahma: facing right it represents the evolution of the universe (Devanagari: प्रवृत्ति, Pravritti), facing left it represents the involution of the universe (Devanagari: निवृत्ति, Nivritti). It is also seen as pointing in all four directions (north, east, south and west) and thus signifies a grounded stability. Its use as a Sun symbol can first be seen in its representation of the god Surya (Devanagari: सूर्य, Sun). The swastika is considered extremely holy and auspicious by all Hindus, and is regularly used to decorate items related to Hindu culture. It is used in all Hindu yantras (Devanagari: यंत्र) and religious designs. Throughout the subcontinent of India, it can be seen on the sides of temples, religious scriptures, gift items, and letterheads. The Hindu deity Ganesh (Devanagari: गणेश) is often shown sitting on a lotus flower on a bed of swastikas.

The Cult of Hinduism

Although the caste system was abolished by law in 1949, it remains a significant force throughout India. Each follower of Hinduism belonged to one of the thousands of Jats (communities) that existed in India. The Jats were grouped into four Varna (social castes), plus a fifth group called the “untouchables.” A person’s Jat determined the range of jobs or professions from which they could choose. Marriages normally took place within the same Jat. There were rules that prohibited persons of different groups from eating, drinking or even smoking with each other. People were once able to move from one Varna to another. However, at some time in the past (estimates range from about 500 B.C. to 500 A.D.), the system became rigid, so that a person was generally born into the Jat and Varna of their parents, and died in the same group. “The caste system splits up society into a multitude of little communities, for every caste, and almost every local unit of a caste, has its own peculiar customs and internal regulations.” The Rigveda defined four castes. In decreasing status, they are normally:

  • Brahmins (the priests and academics)

  • Kshatriyas (rulers, military)

  • Vaishyas (farmers, landlords, and merchants)

  • Sudras (peasants, servants, and workers in non-polluting jobs).

The Dalit were outcasts who did not belong to one of the castes. Until the late 1980’s they were called Harijan (children of God). They worked in what are considered polluting jobs. They were untouchable by the four castes; in some areas of the country, even a contact with their shadow by a member of the Varnas was considered polluting. Practicing untouchability or discriminating against a person because of their caste is now illegal. The caste system has lost much of its power in urban areas; however it is essentially unchanged in some rural districts. Many Dalit have left Hinduism in recent years. This has sometimes been motivated by a desire to escape the caste system.

The colored dot is variously referred to as a “tilaka,” “bottu,” “bindiya,” “kumkum,” or “bindi.” It is a sign of piety, and a reveals to other people that the wearer is a Hindu. It symbolizes the third eye — the one focused inwards toward God. Both men and women wear it, although the practice among men is gradually going out of style. In the past, many unmarried women wore black marks, whereas many married women wore red. But in recent times, women often wear dots that match the color of their saris.

Hindus organize their lives around certain activities or “purusharthas.” These are called the “four aims of Hinduism,” or “the doctrine of the fourfold end of life.” They are:

  • The three goals of the “pravritti,” those who are in the world, are:

    • dharma: righteousness in their religious life. This is the most important of the three.

    • artha: success in their economic life; material prosperity.

    • kama: gratification of the senses; pleasure; sensual, sexual, and mental  enjoyment.

  • The main goal for the “nivritti,” those who renounce the world. is:

    • moksa: Liberation from “samsara,” the  This is considered the supreme end of mankind.

Cult Beliefs:

  • They believe in the divinity of the Vedas, to be the world’s most ancient scripture, and venerate the Agamas as equally revealed. They believe these hymns are god’s word and the bedrock of Sanatana Dharma, the eternal religion which has neither beginning nor end.

  • Hindus believe in the repetitious Transmigration of the Soul. This is the transfer of one’s soul after death into another body. This produces a continuing cycle of birth, life, death and rebirth through their many lifetimes. It is called samsara.

  • They believe that the universe undergoes endless cycles of creation, preservation and dissolution.

  • They believe in karma, the law of cause and effect by which each individual creates his own destiny by his thoughts words and deeds. Through pure acts, thoughts and devotion, one can be reborn at a higher level. Eventually, one can escape samsara and achieve enlightenment. Bad deeds can cause a person to be reborn as a lower level, or even as an animal. The unequal distribution of wealth, prestige, suffering are thus seen as natural consequences for one’s previous acts, both in this life and in previous lives.

  • The believe in meditation and it is often practiced, with Yoga being the most common. Other activities include daily devotions, public rituals, and puja, a ceremonial dinner for a god.

  • They believe that a spiritually awakened master is essential to know the transcendent absolute, as are personal discipline, good conduct, purification, pilgrimage, self-inquiry and meditation.

  • They believe that all life is sacred, to be loved and revered.

  • They believe that no particular religion teaches the only way to salvation above all others, but that all genuine religious paths are facets of god’s pure love and light, deserving tolerance and understanding.

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

Lingam

Traditional flower offering to a lingam inVaranasi

The lingam (also, lingalingShiva lingaShiv lingSanskrit लिङ्गं liṅgaṃ, Tamil லிங்கம் , meaning “mark”, “sign”, “gender”, “phallus”, “inference” or “eternal procreative germ”[1][2]) is a representation of the Hindu deity Shiva used for worship intemples.[3] Whether the lingam symbolizes the physical body of the god or something purely spiritual is the topic of a many century-old debate within Hinduism.[4] The Hindu scripture Shiva Purana describes the worship of the lingam as originating in the loss and recovery of Shiva’s penis[5], though the Shiva Purana also describes the origin of the Linga as a great column[6] . Today most Hindus view the linga as a symbol of divine energy rather than as a sexual symbol.[7][8][9][10][11][citation needed]

The lingam has also been interpreted as a symbol of male creative energy or of the phallus,[12][13] though many Saivite Hindus deny this and do not view the lingam as a phallus.[8][14] The lingam is often represented with the yoni, a symbol of the goddess or of Shakti, female creative energy.[12] The union of lingam and yoni represents the “indivisible two-in-oneness of male and female, the passive space and active time from which all life originates”.[15] The lingam and the yoni have been interpreted as the male and female sexual organs since the end of the 19th century by some scholars, while to practising Hindus they stand for the inseparability of the male and female principles and the totality of creation.[9]

The lingam is described in the Linga Purana as a representation of the beginningless and endless Stambha pillar, symbolizing the infinite nature of Shiva.[16][17][18]

Definition

Linga-yoni at the Cat Tien sanctuary,Lam Dong province, Vietnam

Sivalingam at the Sri Meenakshi temple in Madurai

The Sanskrit term लिङ्गं liṅgaṃ, transliterated as linga, has diverse meaning ranging from gender and sex to philosophic and religions to uses in common language, such as a mark, sign or characteristic. Vaman Shivram Apte’s Sanskrit[19]dictionary provides many definitions:

  • A mark, sign, token, an emblem, a badge, symbol, distinguishing mark, characteristic;
  • A false or unreal mark, a guise, disguise, a deceptive badge;
  • A symptom, mark of disease
  • A means of proof, a proof, evidence
  • In logic, the hetu or middle term in a syllogism
  • The sign of gender or sex
  • In grammar, gender
  • The genital organ of Shiva worshiped in the form of a Phallus
  • The image of a god, an idol
  • One of the relations or indications which serve to fix the meaning of a word in any particular passage
  • In Vedānta philosophy, the subtle frame or body, the indestructible original of the gross or visible body
  • A spot or stain
  • The nominal base, the crude form of a noun
  • In Sāk philosophy, Pradhāna or Prakriti
  • The effect or product of evolution from a primary cause and also as the producer
  • Inference, conclusion

History

Origin

Lingobhava Shiva: God Shiva appears as in an infinite Linga fire-pillar, as Vishnu as Varaha tries to find the bottom of the Linga while Brahma tries to find its top. This infinite pillar conveys the infinite nature of Shiva.[20]

Anthropologist Christopher John Fuller conveys that although most sculpted images (murtis) are anthropomorphic, the aniconic Shiva Linga is an important exception.[21] Some believe that linga-worship was a feature of indigenous Indian religion.[22]

There is a hymn in the Atharvaveda which praises a pillar (Sanskrit: stambha), and this is one possible origin of linga-worship.[22] Some associate Shiva-Linga with this Yupa-Stambha, the sacrificial post. In that hymn a description is found of the beginningless and endless Stambha or Skambha and it is shown that the said Skambha is put in place of the eternal Brahman. As afterwards the Yajna (sacrificial) fire, its smoke, ashes and flames, the soma plant and the ox that used to carry on its back the wood for the Vedic sacrifice gave place to the conceptions of the brightness of Shiva’s body, his tawny matted-hair, his blue throat and the riding on the bull of the Shiva. The Yupa-Skambha gave place in time to the Shiva-Linga.[17][18] In the Linga Purana the same hymn is expanded in the shape of stories, meant to establish the glory of the great Stambha and the supreme nature of Mahâdeva (the Great God, Shiva).[18]

Historical period

A Shiva lingam worshipped at Jambukesvara temple inThiruvanaikaval (Thiruaanaikaa)

Shaiva siddhanta

A 10th century four-headed stone lingam from Nepal

According to Saiva Siddhanta, which was for many centuries the dominant school of Shaiva theology and liturgy across the Indian subcontinent (and beyond it in Cambodia), the linga is the ideal substrate in which the worshipper should install and worship the five-faced and ten-armed Sadāśiva, the form of Shiva who is the focal divinity of that school of Shaivism.[23]

Sculpture

The oldest example of a lingam which is still used for worship is in Gudimallam. According to Klaus Klostermaier, it is clearly a phallic object, and dates to the 2nd century BC.[24] A figure of Shiva is carved into the front of the lingam.[25]

1008 Lingas carved on a rock surface at the shore of the river TungabhadraHampi, India

Modern period

British missionary William Ward criticized the worship of the lingam (along with virtually all other Indian religious rituals) in his influential 1815 book A View of the History, Literature, and Mythology of the Hindoos, calling it “the last state of degradation to which human nature can be driven”, and stating that its symbolism was “too gross, even when refined as much as possible, to meet the public eye.” According to Brian Pennington, Ward’s book “became a centerpiece in the British construction of Hinduism and in the political and economic domination of the subcontinent.”[26] In 1825, however, Horace Hayman Wilson‘s work on the lingayat sect of South India attempted to refute popular British notions that the lingam graphically represented a human organ and that it aroused erotic emotions in its devotees.[26]

Monier-Williams wrote in Brahmanism and Hinduism that the symbol of linga is “never in the mind of a Saiva (or Siva-worshipper) connected with indecent ideas, nor with sexual love.”[27] According to Jeaneane Fowler, the linga is “a phallic symbol which represents the potent energy which is manifest in the cosmos.”[3] Some scholars, such as David James Smith, believe that throughout its history the lingam has represented the phallus; others, such as N. Ramachandra Bhatt, believe the phallic interpretation to be a later addition.[28] M. K. V. Narayan distinguishes the Siva-linga from anthropomorphic representations of Siva, and notes its absence from Vedic literature, and its interpretation as a phallus in Tantric sources.[29]

Ramakrishna practiced Jivanta-linga-puja, or “worship of the living lingam”.[30][31] At the Paris Congress of the History of Religions in 1900, Ramakrishna’s follower Swami Vivekananda argued that the Shiva-Linga had its origin in the idea of theYupa-Stambha or Skambha—the sacrificial post, idealized in Vedic ritual as the symbol of the Eternal Brahman.[17][18][32] This was in response to a paper read by Gustav Oppert, a German Orientalist, who traced the origin of the Shalagrama-Shila and theShiva-Linga to phallicism.[33] According to Vivekananda, the explanation of the Shalagrama-Shila as a phallic emblem was an imaginary invention. Vivekananda argued that the explanation of the Shiva-Linga as a phallic emblem was brought forward by the most thoughtless, and was forthcoming in India in her most degraded times, those of the downfall of Buddhism.[18]

According to Swami Sivananda, the view that the Shiva lingam represents the phallus is a mistake;[34] The same sentiments have also been expressed by H. H. Wilson in 1840.[35] The novelist Christopher Isherwood also addresses the interpretation of thelinga as a sex symbol.[36] The Britannica encyclopedia entry on lingam also notes that the lingam is not considered to be a phallic symbol;[9]

Wendy Doniger, an American scholar of the history of religions, states:

For Hindus, the phallus in the background, the archetype (if I may use the word in its Eliadean, indeed Bastianian, and non-Jungian sense) of which their own penises are manifestations, is the phallus (called the lingam) of the god Siva, who inherits much of the mythology of Indra (O’Flaherty, 1973). The lingam appeared, separate from the body of Siva, on several occasions… On each of these occasions, Siva’s wrath was appeased when gods and humans promised to worship his lingam forever after, which, in India they still do. Hindus, for instance, will argue that the lingam has nothing whatsoever to do with the male sexual organ, an assertion blatantly contradicted by the material.[13]

However, Professor Doniger clarified her viewpoints in a later book, The Hindus: An Alternative History, by noting that some texts treat the linga as an aniconic pillar of light or an as an abstract symbol of God with no sexual reference and comments on the varying interpretations of the linga from phallic to abstract.

According to Hélène Brunner,[37] the lines traced on the front side of the linga, which are prescribed in medieval manuals about temple foundation and are a feature even of modern sculptures, appear to be intended to suggest a stylised glans, and some features of the installation process seem intended to echo sexual congress. Scholars like S. N.Balagangadhara have disputed the sexual meaning of lingam.[38]

Lingam in the cave at Amarnath

An ice lingam at Amarnath in the western Himalayas forms every winter from ice dripping on the floor of a cave and freezing like a stalagmite. It is very popular with pilgrims.

Shivling (6543m) is also a mountain in Uttarakhand (the Garwhal region of Himalayas). It arises as a sheer pyramid above the snout of the Gangotri Glacier. The mountain resembles a Shiva linga when viewed from certain angles, especially when travelling or trekking from Gangotri to Gomukh as a part of a traditional Hindu pilgrimage.

See also

Notes

  1. ^ Spoken Sanskrit Dictionary
  2. ^ A Practical Sanskrit Dictionary
  3. a b Hinduism: Beliefs and Practices, by Jeanne Fowler, pgs. 42–43, at Books.Google.com
  4. ^ Wendy Doniger, “God’s Body, or, The Lingam Made Flesh: Conflicts over the Representation of the Sexual Body of the Hindu God Shiva” Social Research: An International Quarterly Volume 78, Number 2 / Summer 2011 p 485-508
  5. ^ Peter Heehs, Indian Religions: A Historical Reader of Spiritual Expression and Experience 210-213 NYU Press, Sep, 2002[1]
  6. ^ Chaturvedi. Shiv Purana (2006 ed.). Diamond Pocket Books. pp. 11. ISBN 978-81-7182-721-3.
  7. ^ Blurton, Richsrd (16 Nov 1992). Hindu Art (Art History). British Museum Press. pp. 164. ISBN 978-0-7141-1442-2. “… an enshrined linga today will be lovingly garlanded and attended by young women and elderly matrons alike, but without any overt suggestions of sexuality. In traditional Indian society, the linga is rather seen as a symbol of the energy and potentiality of the God.”
  8. a b Mudaliyar, Sabaratna. “Lecture on the Shiva Linga”. Malaysia Hindu Dharma Mamandram. Retrieved 27 March 2012.
  9. a b c “lingam”. Encyclopædia Britannica. 2010. “Since the late 19th century some scholars have interpreted the lingam and the yoni to be representations of the male and female sexual organs. To practicing Hindus, however, the two together are a reminder that the male and female principles are inseparable and that they represent the totality of all existence.”
  10. ^ Isherwood, Christopher (1983). Ramakrishna and His Disciples. Early days at Dakshineswar: Vedanta Press,U.S.. pp. 48. ISBN 978-0-87481-037-0.
  11. ^ Sivananda (1996 (web edn. 2000)). Lord Siva and His Worship. Worship of Siva Linga: The Divine Life Trust Society.ISBN 81-7052-025-8. “The popular belief is that the Siva Lingam represents the phallus or the virile organ, the emblem of the generative power or principle in nature. This is not only a serious mistake, but also a grave blunder. In the post-Vedic period, the Linga became symbolical of the generative power of the Lord Siva. Linga is the differentiating mark. It is certainly not the sex-mark.”
  12. a b Zimmer, Heinrich Robert (1946). Campbell, Joseph. ed. Myths and symbols in Indian art and civilization. Princeton, New Jersey: Princeton University Press. pp. 126. ISBN 0-691-01778-6. “But the basic and most common object of worship in Shiva shrines is the phallus or lingam.”
  13. a b Doniger, Wendy (1993). Boyer, L. Bryce; Boyer, Ruth M.; Sonnenburg, Stephen M. ed. When a Lingam is Just a Good Cigar: Psychoanalysis and Hindu Sexual Fantasies. Routledge. ISBN 978-0-88163-161-6. Retrieved 2009-06-22
  14. ^ Subramuniyaswami, Sivaya. “Satguru”Dancing With Shiva. Himalayan Academy. Retrieved 27 March 2012.
  15. ^ Jansen, Eva Rudy (2003) [1993]. The book of Hindu imagery: gods, manifestations and their meaning. Binkey Kok Publications. pp. 46, 119. ISBN 90-74597-07-6.
  16. ^ “The linga Purana”. astrojyoti. Retrieved 10 April 2012. “. It was almost as if the linga had emerged to settle Brahma and Vishnu’s dispute. The linga rose way up into the sky and it seemed to have no beginning or end.”
  17. a b c Harding, Elizabeth U. (1998). “God, the Father”. Kali: The Black Goddess of Dakshineswar. Motilal Banarsidass. pp. 156–157. ISBN 978-81-208-1450-9.
  18. a b c d e Vivekananda, Swami. “The Paris Congress of the History of Religions”The Complete Works of Swami VivekanandaVol.4.
  19. ^ Apte, Vaman Shivaram (1957-59). The Practical Sanskrit-English Dictionary (Revised and enlarged ed.). Poona: Prasad Prakashan. pp. 1366.
  20. ^ Blurton, T. R. (1992). “Stone statue of Shiva as Lingodbhava”Extract from Hindu art (London, The British Museum Press). British Museum site. Retrieved 2 July 2010.
  21. ^ The Camphor Flame: Popular Hinduism and society in India, pg. 58 at Books.Google.com
  22. a b N. K. Singh, Encyclopaedia of Hinduism p. 1567
  23. ^ Dominic Goodall, Nibedita Rout, R. Sathyanarayanan, S.A.S. Sarma, T. Ganesan and S. Sambandhasivacarya, The Pañcāvaraṇastava of Aghoraśivācārya: A twelfth-century South Indian prescription for the visualisation of Sadāśiva and his retinue, Pondicherry, French Institute of Pondicherry and Ecole française d’Extréme-Orient, 2005, p.12.
  24. ^ Klaus Klostermaier, A Survey of Hinduism 2007 SUNY Press p111
  25. ^ Hinduism and the Religious Arts By Heather Elgood p. 47
  26. a b p132
  27. ^ Carus, Paul (1969). The History of the Devil. Forgotten Books. pp. 82. ISBN 978-1-60506-556-4.
  28. ^ Hinduism and Modernity By David James Smith p. 119 [2]>
  29. ^ Flipside of Hindu symbolism, by M. K. V. Narayan, pp. 86–87, Books.Google.com
  30. ^ Ramakrishna Kathamrita Section XV Chapter II [kathamrita.org http://www.kathamrita.org/kathamrita4/k4SectionXV.htm]
  31. ^ Jeffrey Kripal, Kali’s Child 159–163
  32. ^ Nathaniel Schmidt (Dec, 1900). “The Paris Congress of the History of Religion”. The Biblical World 16 (6): 447–450.doi:10.1086/472718JSTOR 3136952.
  33. ^ Sen, Amiya P. (2006). “Editor’s Introduction”. The Indispensable Vivekananda. Orient Blackswan. pp. 25–26. “During September–October 1900, he [Vivekananda] was a delegate to the Religious Congress at Paris, though oddly, the organizers disallowed discussions on any particular religious tradition. It was rumoured that his had come about largely through the pressure of the Catholic Church, which worried over the ‘damaging’ effects of Oriental religion on the Christian mind. Ironically, this did not stop Western scholars from making surreptitious attacks on traditional Hinduism. Here, Vivekananda strongly contested the suggestion made by the German Indologist Gustav Oppert that the Shiva Linga and the Salagram Shila, stone icons representing the gods Shiva and Vishnu respectively, were actually crude remnants of phallic worship.”
  34. ^ Sivananda, Swami (1996). “Worship of Siva Linga”Lord Siva and His Worship. The Divine Life Trust Society.
  35. ^ Wilson, HH. “Classification of Puranas”. Vishnu Purana. John Murray, London, 2005. pp. xli–xlii.
  36. ^ Isherwood, Christopher. “Early days at Dakshineswar”. Ramakrishna and his disciples. pp. 48.
  37. ^ Hélène Brunner, The sexual Aspect of the linga Cult according to the Saiddhāntika Scriptures, pp.87–103 in Gerhard Oberhammer’s Studies in Hinduism II, Miscellanea to the Phenomenon of Tantras, Vienna, Verlag der oesterreichischen Akademie der Wissenschaften, 1998.
  38. ^ Balagangadhara, S. N. (2007). Antonio De Nicholas, Krishnan Ramaswamy, Aditi Banerjee. ed. Invading the Sacred. Rupa & Co. pp. 431–433. ISBN 978-81-291-1182-1.

References

  • Basham, A. L. The Wonder That Was India: A survey of the culture of the Indian Sub-Continent before the coming of the Muslims, Grove Press, Inc., New York (1954; Evergreen Edition 1959).
  • Schumacher, Stephan and Woerner, Gert. The encyclopedia of Eastern Philosophy and religion, BuddhismTaoismZenHinduism, Shambhala, Boston, (1994) ISBN 0-87773-980-3
  • Ram Karan Sharma. Śivasahasranāmāṣṭakam: Eight Collections of Hymns Containing One Thousand and Eight Names of Śiva. With Introduction and Śivasahasranāmākoṣa (A Dictionary of Names). (Nag Publishers: Delhi, 1996). ISBN 81-7081-350-6. This work compares eight versions of the Śivasahasranāmāstotra. The preface and introduction (English) by Ram Karan Sharma provide an analysis of how the eight versions compare with one another. The text of the eight versions is given in Sanskrit.

Further reading

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