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Archive for August, 2010

Lahore as Kipling Knew It

Lahore as Kipling Knew It

THOUGH Rudyard Kipling lived only five of his 70 years in Lahore, they were the most crucial years of his development as a writer. This rich confection of a city, whose great Mogul buildings and street life evoke the deep hues and sensuality of a miniature painting, was where the teen-aged Kipling cut his teeth as a newspaperman. Lahore provided the setting for some of Kipling’s greatest stories, as well as the raw material for his somewhat misunderstood view of East and West.

Though now obscured as a tourist destination due to its location 15 miles inside Pakistan, Lahore was the heart of Kipling’s India. Between 1882 and 1887, he worked there as the assistant editor of The Civil and Military Gazette, combing the back alleys of the old, walled city for stories and material for his later fiction. Like the Irish street urchin, Kim, the hero of his greatest novel, Kipling used Lahore as a base to explore the rest of the subcontinent.

Armed with the Penguin edition of ”Kim,” I set out for the Lahore Museum, where Kipling’s father, John Lockwood Kipling, had been the curator and where the first scene in ”Kim” takes place. The novel opens with Kim sitting ”astride the gun Zam-Zammah on her brick platform opposite the old Ajaib-Gher – the Wonder House, as the natives call the Lahore Museum.” It was while astride the gun that Kim meets a Tibetan lama, whom the boy then escorts into the Wonder House.

The Zam-Zammah (Urdu for lion’s roar) is known in Lahore as Kim’s gun, and, except for the brick platform that has been replaced by marble, the copper and brass cannon looks exactly as Kipling described it; a massive icon of imperialism over 14 feet long, mounted on wooden wheels that are well over six feet in diameter. And the Wonder House opposite is just that; in my opinion one of the world’s great underrated museums.

Pakistan’s oldest and largest museum is a red sandstone masterpiece of Anglo-Indian Gothic with a white marble facade that unlocks a treasure chest of southern Asian artifacts.

I walked into the main vestibule under a high, frescoed ceiling, listened to the hum of the wall fans, and immediately felt at home. This was as I had always imagined the perfect museum to be, with just enough clutter and disorder to create a feeling of intimacy, but not so much as to distract from the individual works of art.

Kim and the lama had gone into the ”Wonder House to pray before the gods there.” The lama was especially awed by the collection of religious statues from Gandhara, a Buddhist culture that flourished in northwest Pakistan in the first centuries A.D. There are also Hindu and Jain sculptures, Persian, Turkoman and Kurdish rugs, Islamic glazed tiles and calligraphy, Tibetan furniture and votive paintings, and a main gallery filled with Persian and Mogul miniatures. Visually, it is like being glutted with a spicy, multi-course subcontinent meal.

In the novel the ”Keeper of the Images” – a figure based on Kipling’s own father – inspired the lama in his spiritual journey across India in search of a sacred river. The wealth of this collection speaks volumes about the encyclopedic knowledge of Asian culture that the curator, Lockwood Kipling, must have possessed; knowledge that evidently rubbed off on his son to judge by the lavish descriptions in ”Kim.”

Kim procured food and lodging for himself and the lama in Lahore’s old city. ”The hot and crowded bazaars blazed with light as they made their way through the press of all the races in Upper India, and the lama mooned through it like a man in a dream.” The crowds are as dense now as they were then (”Kim” was published in 1901). But unlike bazaars in India itself, there are no beggars and few of the hustlers who make life miserable for tourists in places like Delhi and Agra. Despite the press of humanity, you can have a measure of solitude in Lahore’s old city.

And you can see women too: after visiting so many Middle Eastern bazaars where women were just bobbing black tents, I was dazzled by the number of poor and lower middle class Lahori women with hauntingly beautiful faces, highlighted by eye kohl, gold jewels in their noses, and the flowing saris and trousers-and-tunics outfits that give the bazaar its dash of primary color.

Lahore as Kipling Knew It

I had entered the old city through the Delhi Gate, the most impressive of the portals that are still standing. Under the Mogul emperors Akbar the Great, Jehangir, Shah Jahan and Aurangzeb, Lahore reached a zenith of splendor. The old part of Lahore is the greatest medieval architectural spectacle between Delhi and Isfahan, rivaling the former if not quite the latter.

After a few minutes of walking I came to the Mosque of Wazir Khan, which gets its name from the Governor of the Punjab who built the mosque in 1634 during the reign of Shah Jahan. In an Oct. 1, 1887, dispatch in the Civil and Military Gazette, Kipling wrote that the area of the mosque was ”full of beauty even when the noonday heat silences the voices of men and puts the pigeons of the mosque to sleep.” I removed my shoes and walked into the courtyard at midday, sat on a rush mat under an archway and admired the thin wafers of red brick, the kashi tiles and the frescoes painted in various shades of yellow and orange, the very colors of the ground curry sold in the market nearby. The crazy geometry of the bazaar buildings towered over the courtyard, making it seem even smaller than it was. But, on account of the courtyard’s silence and the lovely reflecting pool in the center, I felt far removed from the city.

I walked out of the old city through the Kashmiri Gate, not far from where Kim and the lama spent their first night on the road together in the stable of an Afghan horse trader. The stables are gone, but the transient atmosphere of the caravansary persists in the form of tented tea stalls and rows of jute beds. For the equivalent of 50 cents, I took a three-wheel auto-rickshaw for the five-minute ride to the Badshahi (King) Mosque, farther along the collapsed old city wall. Completed in 1674 by Aurangzeb, the last great Mogul emperor, the Badshahi Mosque is said to be the largest single-unit mosque in the world, and is arguably second only to the Taj Mahal as an example of Mogul architectural genius.

The courtyard, within four inches of being a perfect square, is almost twice the length of a football field. The linear sweeps of red and pink sandstone clash majestically with the three white marble domes that appear as planets floating in space, around which smaller, white marble satellites, resting atop the turrets and minarets, revolve. Though the scale is grand, it isn’t alienating. Under the stucco tracery of the prayer hall, men were relaxing and praying on the carpets. Nobody talked to me, or stared either. I could have read several chapters of ”Kim” without being interrupted.

The Badshahi Mosque stands in perfect spatial harmony to the old city, the white and gold pudding cake of a Sikh temple, the gardens of Hazuri Bagh and Akbar’s fort. The Sikh temple holds the remains of Ranjit Singh, a one-eyed drunkard and opium addict who brilliantly ruled the Punjab in the early 19th century by uniting all the Sikh tribes and maintaining peaceful relations with the British. It was amid the trees and flowers of the Hazuri Bagh where he held court.

The red brick fortifications of Akbar’s Fort, roughly four times the size of the Badshahi Mosque, give an impression of what the old city walls must have once looked like. The fort, completed a century before the mosque, is nowadays a quiet world of well-kept gardens and archeological remains. In the northwest corner is the Shish Mahal (Palace of Mirrors), built for the women of the court in 1632 by Shah Jahan, the same emperor who built the Taj Mahal. What’s left of this pleasure palace is actually quite little. But, like a good, spare poem, the few marble, Corinthian archways and pavilions, each overlaid with frescoes and thousands of silver, convex mirrors, are sufficient to convey the luscious ambiance of the harem. One can imagine the women, in jewels and saris, reclining on cushions, while sipping pomegranate juice and being refreshed by the breezes that blow through the archways.

The most magnificent of the surviving pavilions is called the Naulakha, which means nine lakhs, or 900,000 rupees, because that was the cost of building it. The Naulakha was also the title of a novel Kipling wrote in collaboration with Wolcott Balestier, the brother of his fiancee, who died of typhus a few weeks before the wedding. In the book, the Naulakha is a famous jewel. But Kipling no doubt was inspired by this pavilion in the Shish Mahal, filled with silver and semiprecious stones. Close by is the Fort Museum, an air-conditioned refuge from the heat, holding an excellent, albeit small, collection of miniature paintings and illuminated manuscripts.

The next morning I took a taxi to the Anarkali Bazaar just outside the Lohari Gate. According to legend, Anarkali (Pomegranate Blossom) was the name of a favorite concubine of Akbar the Great, whom he put to death for having a love affair with his son. This is Lahore’s main shopping district, and on account of its length and the mixture of exotic and mundane household goods, it reminded me of Muski Street in Cairo. For the tourist, Anarkali is a disappointment. All I bought was a battery-operated racing car for my son. (The best collection of miniature paintings I found not in Anarkali, but in the gift shop of the Lahore Museum, where prices range between $10 and $200 depending upon the quality. And for those interested in printed cloth and saris, the best shops are in the Panorama Shopping Center, formerly the site of The Civil and Military Gazette, on the Mall road.) From Anarkali, I took another auto-rickshaw to the Bhatti Gate, and walked up the bazaar street to the Faqir Khana, a rambling, down-at-the-heels mansion in the old city that is known for its private art collection. The guest book showed that I was the first visitor in three days.

A kindly man led me through the many rooms of the house, teeming with precious objects: carpets, old books, Chinese silkscreens, Buddha statues, coins, pottery, paintings, photographs. There was a Mogul miniature with a detail of a court artist drawing a horseman. The horseman was so small that a magnifying glass was required to see it. I was next shown a framed and shredded piece of silk. When I held it up to the sun I saw an intricate Mogul needlepoint drawing of archers and courtesans. This work of art was so faded that a strong light was needed to reveal the details. In another decade or so, I thought, nothing would be left of it.

”Kim,” as I was discovering, though as old as the century, had not faded at all in its ability to render both the overwhelming beauty and squalidness of the Indian subcontinent. And my last night in Lahore, I thought I caught a glimpse of the respect, combined with the terror and amazement, with which Kipling himself must have reacted to this city, back in the days when he edited newspaper copy while sweating under a ceiling fan and sipping a whiskey and soda.

From other travelers, I had heard vague stories about the ”street of the dancing girls” in the old city, but I assumed this was just a polite phrase for a red light district. Then a taxi driver insisted I was wrong, and took me inside the Taxali Gate to the Diamond Bazaar at 11 P.M. This was where Kim had listened to the fakirs and their ”lewd disciples.” (I did see one old man who was shaking a bell and chanting.) The narrow, derelict alleys here were crammed with all types of people, and groups of policemen stood at each corner. But there was no atmosphere of crime or tension.

The crowds were attracted to the succession of lovely carpeted rooms lined with velvet cushions, which were opened to the street and illuminated by the light of hissing gas lamps. In each of the rooms, as though mannequins in a store window, were one or two beautiful women sitting impassively, sipping tea and flanked by a troupe of musicians and an old woman – the dancer’s ever-watchful mother. None of these women leered or even smiled at the passers-by. The women looked fresh, haughty and elegant in their saris of every imaginable color, like the daughters of rich oriental politicians being shown off at a ball.

I selected one room and entered. The door closed behind me and I was offered a seat against a cushion. Then, to the accompaniment of a sitar and a squeeze-box piano, two young women began a classical dance. Their painted faces could have been sculptured by a Mogul artist: I was reminded of the ladies in Shah Jahan’s court. The dancers asked for the equivalent of $10 for the private, 15-minute performance. The only thing hokey about it was that, in the middle, a vendor came through the door, as if on cue, and threw rose petals at the dancers.

There are tales of wealthy Arab emirs who send their servants to these streets near the Taxali Gate at night, ready to pay thousands of dollars to the mothers of the most beautiful girls in order to take them as concubines to the Gulf. It is the kind of story that young Kipling would have loved to check out, wandering these same back alleys as he often did.

”Our city, from the Taxila to the Delhi Gate . . . would yield a store of novels,” wrote Kipling, whose imperialism was tempered with a humanism and street-wise reporter’s knowledge of the East that many people today don’t give him credit for. And, particularly in ”Kim,” Kipling has created a sympathetic literary myth to go hand in hand with Lahore’s artistic pleasures. For me, the book was a perfect companion to a bewitching city. IF YOU GO

The entrance fee for the Lahore Museum and Akbar’s Fort is 22 cents for adults and 11 cents for children. It is open daily, except Saturday and the first Wednesday of each month, from 9 A.M. to 4 P.M. The Faqir Khana is open from 9:30 A.M. to 2 P.M. and from 2:30 P.M. to 4:30 P.M. daily except Saturday. You can rent a car and driver from any of the main hotels for under $20 a day. Individual taxi rides run about $3 within the city limits and $5 to the airport.

Published in New York Times, Jan 29, 1989

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Steven Emerson’s Crusade

Why is a journalist pushing questionable stories from behind the scenes?

Did self-styled anti-terrorism “expert,” Steven Emerson help push the world toward nuclear war?

On Sunday, June 28, a sensational story appeared in the British newspaper the Observer: “Pakistan was planning nuclear first strike on India.” The stunning revelation that South Asia was on the brink of thermonuclear war was credited to an unnamed “senior Pakistani weapons scientist who has defected.” The next day, papers on the Indian subcontinent were full of the news. Shock spread and distrust mounted. “The scenario is frightening,” stated the Times of India (6/29/98).

On Wednesday, July 1, a USA Today report by Barbara Slavin named the defector, Iftikhar Chaudhry Khan. The press scrambled to contact New York lawyer Michael Wildes, who represents Khan in his attempt to get political asylum.

Emerson, in an odd role for a journalist, worked behind the scenes to interest reporters in Wildes’ client. A top network news producer says his congressional sources and news contacts were tipped to the story by Emerson. Slavin says she was mainly convinced of the story’s legitimacy because of one of the Observer’s three writers was associated with the prestigious military analysis group Jane’s, but that Emerson’s involvement added credibility. Attorney Wildes himself says, “Emerson was helpful in corroborating information and making scientific clarifications.”

As the story matured, skepticism mounted about Khan, especially after sources in Pakistan described him as “a former low-level accountant at a company that makes bathroom fixtures” (San Diego Union-Tribune, 7/3/98). By July 7, U.S. nuclear physicists had interviewed Khan and pronounced him a fraud (USA Today, 7/7/98).

Emerson’s priorities

Emerson has escaped notice in the affair–but his efforts had helped craft a hard-to-erase public perception that Pakistan was the bad guy among Asia’s nuclear novices.

The role Emerson played may at first seem perplexing. He presents himself as a journalist, yet he handed off what appeared to be a major story to rivals. A closer look at Emerson’s career suggests his priority is not so much news as it is an unrelenting attack against Arabs and Muslims. From this perspective, his gambit with Khan seems easier to understand: Pakistan is a Muslim nation, while India’s nuclear program has long been linked to Israel. As the Indian Express noted (6/29/98), Pakistani politicians were “convinced that they were about to be attacked by India, possibly with Israeli assistance.”

Emerson’s willingness to push an extremely thin story–with potentially explosive consequences–is also consistent with the lengthy list of mistakes and distortions that mar his credentials as an expert on terrorism.

Those blemishes had, for a time, seemed to drive Emerson from major news outlets. He has had to resort to new tactics to maintain his anti-Muslim crusade–an “anti-terrorism” journal that he uses as a soapbox, associates whose reputations aren’t as damaged as his, and, as in the Khan episode, staying behind the curtains.

Emerson was back in the news last August–when terrorist bombs shattered U.S. embassies in Kenya and Tanzania. While most Americans watched the grisly nightly news in open-mouthed dismay, self-styled anti-terrorism experts seemed to be jostling with one another to grab a few minutes on Rivera Live, the Today show and CNN. For a brief few days, they even displaced the Monicagate pundits.

In the vanguard of the chattering heads was Emerson, whose past errors were quickly forgotten in the wake of African and Middle Eastern carnage.

“Middle Eastern Trait”

Emerson gained prominence in the early ’90s. He published books, wrote articles, produced a documentary, won awards and was frequently quoted. The media, Capitol Hill and scholars paid attention. “I respect his research. He gets to people who were at the events,” says Jeffrey T. Richelson, author of A Century of Spies.

As Emerson’s fame mounted, so did criticism. Emerson’s book, The Fall of Pan Am 103, was chastised by the Columbia Journalism Review, which noted in July 1990 that passages “bear a striking resemblance, in both substance and style” to reports in the Post-Standard of Syracuse, N.Y. Reporters from the Syracuse newspaper told this writer that they cornered Emerson at an Investigative Reporters and Editors conference and forced an apology.

A New York Times review (5/19/91) of his 1991 book Terrorist chided that it was “marred by factual errors…and by a pervasive anti-Arab and anti-Palestinian bias.” His 1994 PBS video, Jihad in America (11/94), was faulted for bigotry and misrepresentations–veteran reporter Robert Friedman (Nation, 5/15/95) accused Emerson of “creating mass hysteria against American Arabs.”

Emerson was wrong when he initially pointed to Yugoslavians as suspects in the World Trade Center bombing (CNN, 3/2/93). He was wrong when he said on CNBC (8/23/96) that “it was a bomb that brought down TWA Flight 800.”

Emerson’s most notorious gaffe was his claim that the 1995 Oklahoma City bombing showed “a Middle Eastern trait” because it “was done with the intent to inflict as many casualties as possible.” (CBS News, 4/19/95) Afterward, news organizations appeared less interested in Emerson’s pronouncements. A CBS contract expired and wasn’t renewed. Emerson had been a regular source and occasional writer for the Washington Post; his name doesn’t turn up once in Post archives after January 1, 1996. USA Today mentioned Emerson a dozen times before September 1996, none after.

“He’s poison,” says investigative author Seymour Hersh, when asked about how Emerson is perceived by fellow journalists.

Dubious document

Yet Emerson seems irrepressible. In 1997, for example, an Associated Press editor became convinced that Emerson was the “mother lode of terrorism information,” according to a reporter who worked on a series that looked at American Muslim groups.

As a consultant on the series, Emerson presented AP reporters with what were “supposed to be FBI documents” describing mainstream American Muslim groups with alleged terrorist sympathies, according to the project’s lead writer, Richard Cole. One of the reporters uncovered an earlier, almost identical document authored by Emerson. The purported FBI dossier “was really his,” Cole says. “He had edited out all phrases, taken out anything that made it look like his.”

Another AP reporter, Fred Bayles, recalls that Emerson “could never back up what he said. We couldn’t believe that document was from the FBI files.”

Emerson’s contribution was largely stripped from the series, and he retaliated with a “multi-page rant,” according to Cole. AP executive editor Bill Ahearn does not dispute that the incident happened, but refuses to comment or to release documents because the episode was deemed an “internal matter.” A ranking AP editor in Washington says: “We would be very, very, very, very leery of using Steve Emerson.”

Also during Emerson’s lean years, he scored a November 1996 hit in the Pittsburgh Tribune-Review (11/3/96)–owned by right-wing Clinton-basher Richard Mellon Scaife, who also partially funded Jihad in America. Considering Scaife’s patronage, it is not surprising that Emerson declared that Muslim terrorist sympathizers were hanging out at the White House. Emerson had a similar commentary piece printed three months earlier in the Wall Street Journal (8/5/96), one of the writer’s few consistent major outlets.

Tampa’s “terrorists”

His most fruitful media foray during this period was at a Tampa, Florida, newspaper. Emerson’s Jihad in America video had, in part, targeted Islamic scholars at the University of South Florida in Tampa. Following Emerson’s leads, a reporter for the Tampa Tribune launched a series of articles in 1995 titled “Ties to Terrorists.” The series and subsequent articles relied on Emerson as a primary source.

The Tribune’s managing editor, Bruce Witwer, wrote in a July 15, 1997, letter to an attorney: “Emerson is an acknowledged expert in the field, while he may be controversial. Emerson has the information. It is legitimate information.” But the information that Emerson is “controversial”–much less Emerson’s record of mistakes and the allegations of bias that swirl around him–has never been disclosed by the Tribune to its readers.

The Tribune’s articles lacked balance and fairness, according to other newspapers that have covered the events, including the St. Petersburg Times and the Miami Herald. The Herald (3/22/98) ran a lengthy analysis of the Tribune’s reporting and concluded the Tampa newspaper had ignored “perfectly innocent” interpretations of activity, giving vent only to characterizations that suggested “extremely dark forces were on the prowl.”

Among the Tribune’s and Emerson’s charges are that Muslims, while at the University of South Florida, were active Islamic Jihad commanders. Emerson told Congress: “One of the world’s most lethal terrorist factions was based out of Tampa.” If that’s so, federal agents must have missed something. Although the FBI and INS have been searching for clues for more than three years, no charges have been filed.

Like Emerson, the Tribune uses tenuous chains of association to bolster its claims that individuals are linked to terrorist groups. For example, in one article, the Tribune claimed that because an Islamic Jihad leader had given a Reuters reporter, Paul Eedle, several articles, including one interview published in a Tampa magazine, and because material seized by federal agents in Tampa included a 1993 Jihad calendar, this proved an organizational linkage. The Tribune (7/28/98), ignoring the stated purpose of the South Florida scholars to collect material about and from all Middle East points of view, stated: “Eedle’s experience appears to tighten the relationship between the Jihad and the Tampa group.”

Eedle, when interviewed for this article, said that while it was clear people in Tampa were sympathetic to the Palestinian cause, “being given the magazine didn’t prove that there was any organizational link between Islamic Jihad and the publishers of the magazine in Tampa.”

Although no criminal charges have been filed in the Tampa case, Emerson flatly states there is insidious wrongdoing. In February 1996, Emerson claimed that Tampa Muslim academics were directly involved in the 1993 World Trade Center bombing (St. Petersburg Times, 2/10/96). “I am constrained at this point from revealing some of those details,” Emerson said. “But they include money transfers, they include actual reservations and planning for the conspirators in the bombing, and they include visits back and forth between Tampa and New York and New Jersey, between officials here of the groups [operating in Tampa] and officials there.”

Yet no federal record of such allegations could be found. A Freedom of Information request to the Justice Department seeking any information tying Tampa residents to the World Trade Center bombing produced this reply from the Office of the Deputy Attorney General: “Please be advised that no responsive records were located.”

Actions have been taken against a couple of Emerson’s targets. Emerson seemed to gloat (Miami Herald, 3/22/98) that one Tampa academic, Mazen Al-Najjar, has been jailed during a deportation appeal since May 1997 based on secret evidence that he is a national security threat. And he appeared gleeful that another University of South Florida professor, Sami Al-Arian, was removed from the classroom and is now unable to “propagate his message to young students” (Miami Herald, 3/22/98). Typical of Emerson’s fact-checking, the university says no one has ever alleged that Al-Arian, who is again teaching, brought politics into the classroom.

“Arabaphobia”

This summer’s U.S. embassy bombings produced others who believed in Emerson’s legitimacy. Geraldo welcomed Emerson, as did NPR, Good Morning America and MSNBC’s Internight. Emerson popped an opinion piece into the Wall Street Journal (8/8/98), that attacked Clinton for “legitimizing self-declared ‘civil rights’ and ‘mainstream’ Islamic organizations that in fact operate as propaganda and political arms of Islamic fundamentalist movements.”

Although he piously prefaces diatribes by saying there are good Muslims and bad Muslims, it’s a hollow defense. He claimed, in a March 1995 article in Jewish Monthly, that Islam “sanctions genocide, planned genocide, as part of its religious doctrine.”

Occasionally, Emerson outdoes himself with hyperbole. In an inflammatory letter to the Voice of America (12/2/94), he fumed that radical Muslims in the United States are plotting the “mass murder of all Jews, Christians and moderate Muslims.” Buddhists, Wiccans and Scientologists are apparently exempt in the apocalypse Emerson prophesies. Last year he warned that “the U.S. has become occupied fundamentalist territory” (Jerusalem Post, 8/8/97).

While Emerson makes incredible claims about Muslim conspiracies that purportedly intend to commit terrorism inside U.S. borders, he ignores the fact that far more of these American atrocities, such as the anti-abortion bombings and murders, are committed by apple-pie militant Christian fundamentalists.

His denunciations are often backed up only by allusions to unnamed law enforcement sources. “Emerson makes unsubstantiated allegations of widespread conspiracies in Arab-American communities and brushes aside his lack of documented evidence by implying it only proves how clever and sinister the Arab/Muslim menace really is,” investigative reporter Chip Berlet has written (Covert Action Quarterly, Summer/95). “This is a prejudiced and Arabaphobic twist on the old anti-Semitic canard of the crafty and manipulative Jew.”

Emerson buffs, such as Sen. Jon Kyl (R.-Arizona), provide the journalist with a podium from which to make claims that are then recycled as part of the public record. A Kyl subcommittee welcomed Emerson as a witness in February, allowing him to present a 46-page harangue against mainstream American Muslim organizations.

Savaging critics

When criticized by journalists, Emerson retaliates with invective-laden letters, often from lawyers. He has launched salvos at the Miami Herald, The Nation, Voice of America, FAIR (which publishes Extra!) and a Council on Foreign Relations newsletter, as well as at numerous individual journalists.

Kojo Nnamdi, a talkshow host on Howard University’s WHUT, remembers that when he invited some Muslims on a program, “Emerson started making threats. He wanted to link academics to terrorists. He succeeded in delaying the program, I’m sorry to say.”

After Emerson in 1996 attacked the Council on Foreign Relations for including Muslim points of views in its newsletter, the group’s president, Leslie Gelb, dubbed Emerson the “grand inquisitor” (Forward, 5/10/96).

The Miami Herald’s highly regarded senior writer, Martin Merzer–who has experience as a bureau chief in Jerusalem–demolished many of Emerson’s and the Tampa Tribune’s claims in a March 1998 article (3/22/98). Prior to publication, Emerson sent a letter to the Herald’s top editor, Doug Clifton, with copies to Jewish leaders, in an attempt to derail the story. The letter called Merzer, who is Jewish, “nothing short of racist.”

Subsequently, in a publication run by Emerson allies that has become his bully pulpit, the Journal of Counterterrorism & Security International (Spring/98), Emerson published what he claimed was a transcript of his interview by Merzer. The “transcript” presents Merzer as stammering and admitting to extraordinary ignorance. Merzer calls the transcript a fabrication. “It’s crap,” he says. “A few tiny kernels of truth surrounded by a mountain of lies.”

Ironically, despite Emerson’s many attempts to silence his critics, he spends much of his time nowadays wailing that he’s the victim. Recently, an NPR producer was moved by protests over Emerson’s anti-Muslim prejudice to stop using him as an expert on the network. That prompted Emerson fans, such as Boston Globe columnist Jeff Jacoby (8/31/98), to cry “blacklisting”–never bothering to note that Emerson is a blacklister with few rivals.

Money trail

As recognition of Emerson’s liabilities has grown, he has handed his bullhorn to less controversial fellow travelers. Retired federal agents Oliver “Buck” Revell and Steve Pomerantz, who run a security business, showed up echoing Emersonisms in an October 31 Washington Post article warning of conspiracies and front organizations.

In an interview prior to the article’s publication, the co-author of that piece, John Mintz, said he was aware that Emerson was highly controversial. The Post’s solution: Don’t mention Emerson but use his allies. (Mintz had been provided with material documenting links among Emerson, Pomerantz and Revell.)

The three “experts” spend a lot of time congratulating each other on their courage and expertise. Pomerantz, for example, has written that Emerson “is actually better informed in some areas than the responsible agencies of government.” (That came as news to Bob Blitzer, the FBI’s top counterterrorism official, who says Emerson “doesn’t have access to any high-level FBI intelligence.”)

Revell’s credits include quashing an investigation of the Iran-Contra arms smuggling operation (Leslie Cockburn, Out of Control, p. 231). Revell also acknowledges another member of the fraternity is Yigal Carmon, a right-wing Israeli intelligence commander who endorsed the use of torture (Washington Post, 5/4/95), and who has stayed at Emerson’s Washington apartment on trips to lobby Congress against Middle East peace initiatives (The Nation, 5/15/95). An Associated Press reporter who has dealt with Emerson and Carmon says: “I have no doubt these guys are working together.”

Says Vince Cannistraro, an ABC consultant and a retired CIA counterterrorism official, of Emerson’s allies, Pomerantz, Revell and Carmon: “They’re Israeli-funded. How do I know that? Because they tried to recruit me.” Revell denies Cannistraro’s assertion, but refuses to discuss his group’s finances.

Emerson’s own financing is hazy. He has received funding from Scaife. Some Emerson critics suspect Israeli backing. The Jerusalem Post (9/17/94) has noted that Emerson has “close ties to Israeli intelligence.”

“He’s carrying the ball for Likud,” says investigative journalist Robert Parry, referring to Israel’s right-wing ruling party. Victor Ostrovsky, who defected from Israel’s Mossad intelligence agency and has written books disclosing its secrets, calls Emerson “the horn”–because he trumpets Mossad claims.

Presumed credible

Emerson is aided by those who appear to be ignorant of his record, or who fear reprisal from his backers. He testified in February before a Senate subcommittee chaired by Sen. Kyl. The testimony accused most major American Muslim organization of terrorist connections. “We presumed him to be credible [because] he is known to have contact with street agents,” said Jim Savage, at the time a Kyl staffer. “He represented his findings as authentic. We haven’t verified them.”

After the NPR spat over the summer, Jacoby’s column quickly bludgeoned the network into capitulation. Jeffrey Dvorkin, NPR’s news chief, kowtowed and stated in a letter to the Boston Globe that Emerson “has never been banned from NPR and never will be. Emerson is one of many commentators available to NPR on events involving his area of expertise (terrorism and counter-terrorism). No doubt there will be other opportunities for him to appear again.”

A warning to us all.

SIDEBAR:
Emerson on Islam

“The level of vitriol against Jews and Christianity within contemporary Islam, unfortunately, is something that we are not totally cognizant of, or that we don’t want to accept. We don’t want to accept it because to do so would be to acknowledge that one of the world’s great religions — which has more than 1.4 billion adherents — somehow sanctions genocide, planned genocide, as part of its religious doctrine.” –Steven Emerson, Jewish Monthly (3/95)

John F. Sugg is senior editor of the Weekly Planet, the alternative newspaper in the Tampa Bay area. He regularly writes media criticism, including articles on Steven Emerson and the Tampa Tribune’s coverage of Muslims. Sugg has received three threatening letters from Emerson’s lawyer seeking–unsuccessfully–to deter further reporting.

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Straight Talk – The Shame of Fake Degrees.

As the sordid scandal of fake degrees continues to humiliate the nation, we still have parliamentarian who are protesting and claiming that they are the ones being shamed in front of the nation, by a biased and politically motivated media.

No doubt, a media campaign against any person or organization is wrong and no names or fingers should be pointed against anyone, unless there is proof of wrong doing. However, in the case of our parliamentarians, the names of fake degree holders have been announced in the media only after HEC has confirmed that they possess bogus degree.

They sit in Talk Shows on our TV channels and indignantly ask,

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The Loud Mouth

The way the loud mouth David Cameron castigated Pakistan and that too on the Indian soil in public, a statesman would not do so even behind the closed doors in the country being targeted by him.  But, of course that applies only to a statesman! Obviously his utterances which were to cajole the Indians with an eye on the billion pound  future business prospects, especially sale of the fighter aircraft to the IAF,  have been very rightly condemned by all segments of  Pakistani society. People expected Zardari to cancel his forthcoming official visit to UK in protest but I suppose it is too late at this stage as all preparations for the visit involving millions have already been made. However, the least Mr. Zardari can do now is to convey the true feelings of every Pakistani in unambiguous words to the Brit in his meeting with him. The immature Cameron must be told clearly to observe the diplomatic norms during his future utterances at home and abroad or else it could  provoke some very unpleasant repercussions for the UK. Enough is enough.

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What went wrong in Kashmir?

Rekha writes that India knows what drives the Intifada in Kashmir. Like the Palestinian intifada, it is driven by hopelessness. The Kashmiris do not trust the National Conference that rules in Srinagar; they do not trust the Congress rulers in Delhi; they have no faith that Islamabad

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