Quotation

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PAF and the three wars

Columnist SOBIA NISAR goes over the three wars fought by the PAF.

The Father of the Nation rightly remarked on 13 April 1948, while addressing a small band of enthusiastic airmen at the fledging nation’s Air Force Flying School:

A country without a strong Air Force is at the mercy of any aggressor; Pakistan must build up her airforce as quickly as possible. It must be an efficient air force, second to none.

The table below gives an idea of the number of aircraft allotted to Pakistan and the number initially given.:

The Founder of Pakistan, Quaid-i-Azam Mohammad Ali Jinnah was very well aware of the great importance of the Air Force for the defence of the country. He, therefore, wanted  a strong Air Force to be built up, which was to be second to none. This was done against great odds at the time of partition of the sub-continent, when the Pakistan Air Force came into being on 14 August 1947 along with the Army and the Navy. The PAF after undergoing immense struggle and sacrifice  with a small number of personnel, possessing  an insufficient equipment  emerged into a powerful component of the country’s defence  into a brief period of 10 years. At the time of partition, India  deprived Pakistan of her due share of aircraft and equipment.

Limited War of 1947. These aircraft were quickly organized into two squadrons (No.5 and No.9). While the Air Force was being organized, the armed struggle in Kashmir started  in December 1947. In 1947 and 1948 the IAF provided direct support to the Indian Army, bombed Murree, attacked the Kohala Bridge several times and an unarmed PAF  transport. The PAF role in Kashmir was transport support there was an urgent need  to drop air supplies for the civilian population of Gilgit and other areas of Gilgit. This was  arranged on a priority basis by the two Dakota aircraft, later another two were added. In 1948, two four engine Halifax bombers were also acquired for airdrops. During 12 months of emergency airdrop operations the PAF did not lose a single aircraft. 437 sorties had been flown and over a million lbs of supplies dropped at Bunji, Sikardu, Gilgit and Chilas. Despite the IAF fighter activity, the PAF  continued air transport operations but limited them to moonlit nights. Our fighters remained employed on “watch  and ward” in the NWFP. An unarmed Fury while engaged in leaflet dropping over a hostile area, was fired upon with a light machine gun. The aircraft sustained some damage but the pilot landed safely at Miranshah, where he quickly took another Fury, this one bristling with weapons and went back to even the score in another sequence — Exemplary action — the RPAF — flew 139 sorties in which 72 bombs, 108 rockets and 4,600 rounds of 20mm ammunition were expanded. The 500-lb high explosive bombs proved useful against mountain hideouts and mudhouses. This employment was termed as heaven on earth. The PAF was  a circus outfit and it performed many air displays, always very good ones. During the 1948 Kashmir war, the strength of Pakistan Air Force as compared to the Indian Air Force was as under:

The Air Force role was defined rightly by the Air Vice-Marshal R.L.R Atcherley when he took over the command of the PAF. He said: The sole preoccupation of every individual in this Air Force, no matter in what sphere of activity he finds himself, is to keep our aircraft flying, ready to fight, equipped and trained for war, down to the last detail.

The Air Force was already going along a well-conceived plan. The target given for March 31, 1948 was for two fighter bomber squadrons of 16 aircraft, one transport squadron of five aircraft and one air observation post (AOP) flight of four aircraft. Gradually the Air Force expanded in the air and also made a progress in the ground facilities. In August 1951, three jet fighter aircraft were assimilated into No. 11 Squadron. With their induction, the young PAF entered into the jet age

Air Vice Marshal Atcherley was of the firm opinion  that the Pakistan Air Force should first take on the enemy Air Force, and then try to isolate the battlefield and after that give direct support to the ground  forces. By 1959/60 the PAF was fully trained and competent in the use of its aircraft. The first conflict between the IAF and the PAF took place on Eid day April 10, 1959, when an Indian Air Force Canberra (R.P) entered Pakistan’s airspace  flying at over 50,000 ft, well above our newly acquired  F-86 Sabre aircraft’s capability. But the Indian Canberra was shot down by the sustained effort of the enthusiastic Pakistan Air Force. In 1959, the last, all PAF exercise “JANUS” was held. Little or no training was conducted with the Army and Navy. The PAF did train with the USAF, RAF, Turkish and Iranian Air Forces who visited Pakistan regularly. Watch and ward  continued in Dir, Bajaur, Kalat and the downing of the IAF Photo Recce (PR) Canberra were added to the PAF’s battle honours.

A strong Air Force that was built up with the hard work and dedication of its officers and airmen helped to defend the country in the two major wars with India. Pakistan had a  much smaller Air Force, yet it was able to dominate the much larger Air Force of our adversary.

The 1965 War. When war broke up in 1965, the Pakistan Army was deployed against the Indians in the Rann of Kutch. To make matters worse, the Pakistani C-in-C was in Bangkok attending a SEATO meeting. In addition, we had three war plans, war against India, war against Afghanistan and the third war against both India and  Afghanistan. The alert phase was also — ’total’, either you were on peace or on full alert. The war plans had no provision for limited action. There was a great demand for security, since the previous Director Plans had been court-martialled, and some of the officers were summarily retired. At this crucial time,   the PAF was able to put  down the much larger Indian Air Force  on the defensive and gained air superiority in four days. It inflicted heavy unacceptable casuallities on the Indian tanks, vehicles and troops. A newspaper wrote:

The performance of the PAF was excellent  as they gained complete victory in the air. The IAF was defeated in all spheres — man to man, machine to machine, mission to mission and sector to sector.

Towards the middle of August 1965, the Army sent an SOS that the Gibralter Force was in trouble and required immediate air drops of food and ammunition. It was decided that  a C130 carry out a night drop. The weather was terrible, rain, low clouds yet the mission flew and satisfactory results were achieved. Air Force Forward Headquarters were activated on 30th August. According to Asghar Khan: “It is true that the PAF’s primary role, in essence, is to assist the Army in every possible way to achieve its objectives. But in order to be able to do this the PAF must achieve a high degree of air superiority over the land battle areas, and it must be equipped to do this effectively. The Army seldom understood or recognized this precondition.”

The Air Force according to the war plan attacked the IAF forward bases on the opening day of the war in West Pakistan. Air action in East Pakistan was delayed to the second  day since  a dusk strike was anticipated. The plan included a single F104 conducting  a “recce” over Halwara, followed by F86s, attacking “guns only” Halwara, Adampur, Pathankot and the various forward radars in the north, with T33s in the South, followed by all available B57’s after sunset.

After attacking the Indians on the 6th, the Air Force expected retaliation by the IAF on the 7th. No effort was made to launch dawn strikes, instead the PAF requested  the Army to launch paratroopers against the IAF forward bases on the night 6/ 7th. Three companies of SSG were launched.

The decision to launch SSG Special Service Group was taken late on the 6th; they left without maps, proper briefing and worst of all with no planning or preparation! The results were disastrous, only a handful returned, most of them were captured or killed. Every PAF base in Pakistan experienced  Indian commando attacks and in their defence thousands of rounds of small arms ammunition was expended at imaginary commandos and the SSG were summoned to save Sargodha.

The operational statistics for 1965 are as under:

To attack the close concentration  of enemy airfields in the north, and to remain out of reach of the Indian  fighter bombers; the bomber wing remained on the hop throughout the war. The pattern often repeated  was to set off from home base, strike inside Indian territory, recover  to another base  to rearm and refuel, and then to strike again before returning to base or to another safe airfield. This enabled them to  be prepared to attack  their targets night after night. By arriving over their targets  in a stream at intervals of about fifteen minutes, the B-57 certainly succeeded, disregarding even the actual damage they inflicted, in achieving  a major disruption of the overall IAF  effort, disabling their optimum attack capability the next morning. The effect on morale of the IAF  personnel was devastating. The effect of fatigue caused to them was most pronounced  on their air and ground crew while they were forced to keep shuttling in  and out of air raid shelters and trenches. This made the task of PAF fighter pilots that much easier to fight them in air the next morning.

Of its 22 B57s, which fought the war PAF lost three, only one due to enemy action. After the first strike on Jamnagar at 6pm, the bombing shuttle was maintained all night by single sorties. One such lone bomber flown by squadron leaders Shabbir Alam Siddiqui and Alam Qureshi, the navigator was doing its third mission  in less than 9 hours. As an overfatigued crew descended lower on the pinpoint its target, the bomber hit the ground and exploded. The second bomber was lost as a result  of enemy anti-aircraft fire on 14th September. The third B57, piloted by Flight Lieutenants MA Butt  and ASZ Khalid was lost in the early hours  of 17th September. While making an approach to land at Risalpur, the B57 encountered adverse weather in the shape of strong wind sheer coupled  with reduced flight visibility. Unable to maintain height, the aircraft crashed south of the runway, instantly killing  both pilot and navigator.

The PAF’s B57 campaign came to an end with a close support mission during the night of 22nd September by four B57s which dropped 28,000 lbs of bombs on enemy artillery and tank concentrations at Atari. Large enemy reinforcements had been seen that day moving towards Atari for a possible assault on the salient eastern bank of  the BRB canal. It was the task of the PAF to prevent these reinforcements from reaching their destination. The bombs from the B57s dropped in train  engulfed the enemy armour and other vehicles concealed under the trees and in the bushes. Very few survived to reach Atari.

After the 1965 war, the B57 Squadrons trained hard to achieve even higher standards in the light of lessons learned in the war.

After the end of the 1965 war, the United States placed an embargo on our purchase of new equipment. New aircraft of Chinese (MIG-19) and French (Mirage) origin were inducted into the Air Force and quickly integrated.

The 1971 War. During the 1971 Indo-Pak war, the Pakistan Air Force put up a gallant flight destroying and damaging over 150 Indian aircraft. The Indian Air Force which was at that time expanded to become the fifth largest Air Force in the world was prevented from gaining any form of superiority over Pakistan’s airspace, even after shifting the air element operating against East Pakistan to support operations against West Pakistan, when the Dhaka airstrip had been permanently put down of action. Perhaps this was the main reason why India did not pursue her land operations against West Pakistan after the fall of Dhaka, although the Indian desire was to finish both wings of Pakistan.

The B57 force of PAF gave its very best in 1971 war. Of the available strength of 16 B57s  at the outset of the war, 15 were launched the very first night as a follow up to the pre-emptive strike on the 3rd December. 12 IAF runways were targeted the first night and a total of 183 bombs were dropped. Although no immediate assessment of the damage was available, yet confirmation came much after the war  from a very unlikely source. Air Chief Marshall PC Lal, the Chief of IAF during the 1971 war, in his memoirs titled My Days with the IAF  provides full detail of the destruction caused by PAF, naming every IAF  airfield attacked.

The PAF’s night bombing campaign was continued with good effect throughout the war  and reflected great credit upon the courage and perseverance of the B57 crew, six of whom embraced Shahadat over enemy airfields.

A serious situation developed in the South when Indian ground forces penetrated along the Khokhrapar-Chor railway line upto Umerkot and Chachro and to Nagar Parkar itself. PAF was called upon to blunt its attack and prevent the enemy further advance in land. B57 from No 7 Squadron were also pressed into daring daylight raids to save Hyderabad from falling into enemy hands. F86s  and F104s provided top cover. The armed reconnaissance and interdiction mission achieved the destruction of enemy trains and this virtually choked the flow of supplies vital to the enemy advance. Emboldened by their success, the B57 crew followed their bombing attacks by several strafing runs on the freight wagons and stopped the enemy dead in his tracks forcing him to abandon his planned offensive.

The PAF provided air support to the Navy at Karachi, on a report from a PIA aircraft flying reconnaissance for the Navy, the morning CAP (combat air patrol) at Masroor was asked to investigate, the result was that the PNS Zulfiqar took 900 hits of point 5 inch ammo killing several officers and men, with many more injured.

The operating statistics of 1971 war  are as under:

PAF, however, did recognize the services of its bomber crew in both the wars. As a tribute to PAF’s B57 crew who valiantly faced the highest loss rate of the war and persisted doggedly each night, and its navigators who, despite their rudimentary bomb  aiming devices and  the difficulty of map reading at low level on pitch dark nights, carried the war deep into the enemy’s heartland. The Government of Pakistan awarded 15 Sitara-e-Jurrats (6 posthumous) and 2 posthumous Tamgha-e-Jurrats to B57 pilots and navigators.

Recommendations for the Future. India continues to enlarge her Armed Forces by purchasing and producing new equipment  possessing the latest technology available at home and abroad. This is most dangerous for us as India’s overall aim of destroying Pakistan as an independent entity remains. In this regional scenario, the Pakistan Air Force is getting a bit out of date, urgently requiring the induction of new aircraft. The Pakistani nation must know  that if we want a strong and viable defence, we should be prepared to pay for it. The requirements of the Air Force are urgent and genuine and must be catered for by those who are in power and for those who are in the government responsible for the nation’s defence and well-being. The Pakistani government and nation must locate and expose those elements home and abroad who make endless efforts to see that our defence capability is slowly eroded.

Historically, the PAF except for a very short period in 1965, performed well below the required. It is a relatively small force, the support that it can provide to the Army and Navy must be its main role. But unfortunately, the PAF has not  been provided with such assistance as necessarily required. Because the PAF role remains a debate. It should assist the Army and the Navy and not fight its own war. Whereas, the three services must fight the same war and not their own separate battles.

For the last few years there is a debate on buying  a very expensive weapons system for the Air Force because of the “Fighter Gap”. It is also being debated that whether this system to be used to defend the fighter establishment, defend Pakistan or just another gimmick for the kickbacks. According to a report, India had as many as 232 high tech aircraft as opposed to the 32 F16s of the Pakistan Air Force. Since the role of the PAF is a pivotal one, Pakistan must do something as the Air Force was losing  some seven to eight aircraft every year on account of  phasing out and partly because of attrition. According to Air Chief Marshall Pervaiz Mehdi Qureshi, “The growing  technological disparity between the Indian and Pakistan Air Forces has now assumed “acute proportions”. Referring to the addition of sophisticated aircraft to the IAF and the inability of the PAF to come up with a matching response, Air Marshall Mehdi Qureshi said: “If this widening technological disparity between India and Pakistan is not plugged or narrowed down within the next 36 to 48 months, it would pose a direct threat to national security”. Perhaps this could be called a ‘Fighter Gap’. As the “Fighter Gap” does not relate to technology and numerical disparity but to the organization, employment and training. Therefore, it should be seriously taken into consideration by the higher authorities.

The absolute necessity for the PAF is to concentrate mainly on the destruction of the enemy tanks and to cause damage to the enemy’s capabilities and to provide direct as well as indirect support to its  Armed  Forces.

The small Pakistan Air Force should be trained primarily for the support of the Pakistani Army, Navy and  it should be equipped to come up with this task with suitable aircraft. The Army/Air and the Navy/Air cooperation should be perfected, especially as regards to recce, the production of the airpower enhancement and the direct support of the Air Force conjunction with Artillery should be directed in the destruction of the enemy tanks. The direct tactical support of the Army attacks on enemy’s ammunition and supply convoys should be studied.

Historical factors reveal that  the Pakistan Army has shown concern and assistance in the development of  the Pakistan Air Force on the right line.

With the arrival of American equipment the PAF entered into an important phase in its development. It is often not appreciated that reasonably modern equipment is essential for all the three companies of the Armed Forces, but for the Air Force it is absolutely vital.

In the recent years, however, there  has been a weakening of our governments resolve to adequately strengthen the Pakistan Air Force, as the Quaid had directed. If the present policy continues it will place the country  “at the mercy of an aggressor”. as the Quaid had rightly said. In our case the aggressor is  our neighbour India with whom we have fought three wars and two border conflicts short of war. An immense shooting war continues at present  in Kashmir where the troops are deployed  since the last more than 50 years on both sides of the ceasefire line or LOC (Line of Control) and also in the Siachin Glacier area  which is the world’s highest and most destructive battle ground. Only after 24 years of its independence, India split Pakistan  into two pieces by use of force, while the UN watched in silence. The freedom struggle of the poor Kashmiris continues even today. Kashmiris are being raped, killed, tortured while the world community watches in silence. At this crucial time when the fate of Kashmiris remains undecided, can we afford to lower our guards under the circumstances is the burning question of the day. The answer is obviously NO. Therefore, Pakistan must continue her efforts to build up her Air Force whether equipment, manpower, aircraft as quickly as possible in order to lower the already existing FIGHTER GAP between Pakistan and her biggest and numerically much larger adversary, India.

The Quaid-i-Azam took the oath of his office on 15 August 1947 and became the first Governor-General of Pakistan. The biggest Muslim country and the fifth largest state in the world with a population of more then eightly million people. He was the recipient of the highest office the state could bestow upon him. It may be pointed out here that his position was remarkable different from the position enjoyed by his counterparts in other Dominions. He was not only the constitutional figurehead enjoying limited powers, but was the Father of the nation and the Quaid-i-Azam whose prerogatives were enlarged by popular acclaim for beyond the limits laid down in the constitution.

When Pakistan became a Country, the Quaid-i-Azam was recognized to be above the political battle, a figure to whom all might turn for authority and justice and protection. He was the personification of all aspects of political authority. He was the Governor-General of the dominion of Pakistan and as such had specific executive powers conveyed by the British crown, he was President of constituent Assembly, and as such headed the Central legislature, he was president of the Muslim league and as such was the leader of the paramount political party. He delegated the duties of the last named office to the Deputy President . The clauses giving discretionary power and special responsibilities to the Governor-General has been entirely deleted from the interim constitution. But the Quaid wielded a prodigious authority as the founder of the state. Under him the office of Governor-General was very different from its counterpart in other dominions. The people looked up to him as their father, not only as the Head of the State. To Pakistanis he was not only their Governor-General and Quaid-i-Azam but also a patriarch and asa such he could exercise a tremendous influence in the Centre and in the provinces. He could appeal to his people and admonish them and thus he was the main source of initiation and restraint. Whole the nation had rallied enthusiastically to the Quaid-i-Azam, and was prepared to accept any arrangement that he approved. In the early months the predominant position of the Quaid-i-Azam was a source of strength of Pakistan.

From the very first day the Quaid-i-Azam had to shoulder the major portion of central as well as provincial administrative grew up under the direct guidance of the Quaid-i-Azam. There was a constant search for capable administrators and for ministerial appointments. It was for the Quaid-i-Azam to decide whether he should select his team on merit. From the appointments Jinnah made during the tenure of Governor-Generalship it is evident that he chose the latter alternative. His capacity to withstand influence of any kind was extremely great and in national considerations he followed no principle other than service and ability.

The first cabinet of Pakistan was the creation of the Quaid-i-Azam. He selected Liaquat Ali Khan, whom he had called his “right hand”. According to the Gazette Notification No: G.G. O/2 of 14 August 1947 the first cabinet of Pakistan took oath of office on August 15, 1947. It included the following members.

Nawabzada Liaquat Ali Khan – Prime Minister, Foreign Minister, Defence Minister and Minister for Common Wealth Relations.

Ibrahim Ismail Chundrigarh – Minister for Trade, Industry and Construction.

Malik Ghulam Mohammad – Finance Minister.

Sardar Abdul Rab Nishtar – Transport and Communication Minister.

Raja Ghazanfar Ali Khan – Minister for Food, Agriculture and Health.

Jugindarnath Mandal – Minister for Law and Labour.

Fazal-ur-Rehman – Interior Minister and Minister for Information and Education.

The Problems and difficulties during the first few months after the establishment of Pakistan were of such magnitude and complexity that cabinet Ministers felt themselves to be helpless and looked up to the Quaid with his knowledge, experience and competence to tackle the problems and pull them out of the difficulties. But the Quaid made it clear that he, as constitutional Governor-General could not interfere with Ministerial responsibilities and actions. The Cabinet, therefore, passed a special resolution authorizing the Quaid-i-Azam to take action to deal with emergent problems . Hence, the Quaid-i-Azam not only took the initiative in Cabinet-making but also in the formulation of the policies the cabinet was to carry out. He presided over its regular meetings as well as the meetings of its Emergency Committee, of which he was also the Chairman . He even called and conducted Cabinet meeting in the absence of the Prime Minister. He created the Ministry of States and Frontier Regions and Ministry of Evacuee and Refugee Rehabilitation, the former being controlled by the Quaid-i-Azam himself. To add moment to its creation the press communiqué noted that “The affairs of the new Ministry will be under the direct control and guidance of Mr. Jinnah” . The Governor-General’s personal control of the portfolio, itself and unprecedented act in commonwealth history was both and acknowledgement to the princes that the man who had guaranteed their future in Pakistan was personally Incharge and an assurance to reform elements in the stated that they would be accorded fair treatment in Karachi. Only the founder of the country could have assumed such contradictory roles. The judgement of the Agha Khan as to Mr. Jinnah’s solution of the state problem has one significant phrase, “His practical Bismarckian sense of the best possible”.

The administration of Baluchistan was controlled by him through an agent, who was the nominee of the Governor-General and responsible to him and not the Cabinet . Karachi was separated from Sindh and his advice, and it was he who exercised the executive authority in the new province through an administrator responsible to him . The State Bank and the Federal Court were set up under his orders . He was also mainly responsible for bringing about the accession of the princely states as his negotiations with the Kahn of Kalat Clearly revealed. He appoijnted Sir Archibald Rowaland as his financial adviser and Malik Feroze Khan Noon as his special Envoy to the Middle East. He stationed his personal representative at Kabul. He sent Mr. Zafarullah Khan to the United Nations to argue the case of the Palestine Arabs. All the more, he was constantly engaged in giving the benefit of his advice to the Prime Minister, the Ministers and Secretaries of the departments in the discharge of their responsibilities.

The Quaid-i-Azam was much more than a titular head of the state. In a sense, he was his own Prime Minister, giving advice and taking decisions till the end of his days. A year after independence, Liaquat Ali Khan publicly admitted: “Now that we have got Pakistan, he has not ceased to guide the destinies of the nation. In all important matters, he still guides. It is his deep interest in the welfare of the people that has made him to take up so much work on himself. We pray that we may have the benefit of his wisdom and guidance for a long time to come .

In every country the civil servants have to play an important and regulated part in the affairs of the country. Their role becomes all the more difficult in developing countries who have to make up for the slow rate of development in the past. The civil servants have to keep their eyes open, their pen moving but their mouth shut. They are concerned with administration and not politics which is the business of the people and their duly elected representatives. The Indian Civil Service assumed a role different from ordinary civil services in view of the fact that it was staffed for a considerably long time by Englishmen. Maulana Mohammad Ali Jauhar criticized this role in his well known dictum that this Service was neither Indian nor Civil nor Service of Pakistan which replaced the I.C.S. in Pakistan, underwent a very Significant change. The members of this the control of the people . At the time of the creation of Pakistan when Quaid expected selfless work and steadfast did not come up to his expectation he addressed the Civil, Naval, Military and Air Force Officers at Khaliq Dina Hall, Karachi on October 11, 1947 in the following words.

“This being the need of the day, I was painted to learn that a good many of our staff are not pulling their weight. They seem to be thinking that now that Pakistan has been achieved they can sit back and do nothing. Same of them have bee demoralized by the happenings in East Punjab and Delhi and in others the general lawlessness sprevailing in some parts of the country has bred a spirit of indiscipline. These tendencies, it not checked immediately, will prove more deadly than our external enemies and will spell ruin for us. It is the duty of all of you who have gathered here to-day to see that this cancer is removed as speedily as possible. You have to infuse a new spirit in your men by precept and by example. You have to make them feel that they are working for a cause and that the cause is worth every sacrifice that they may be called to make”.

The Quaid impressed upon his government officials that he expected efficient service for them. He reminded them that although they had achieved Pakistan, they must not slacken in their efforts to build and strengthen the new young state. Speaking at Sibi, in February 14, 1948, he said, “gentlemen, Pakistan is now a sovereign state….You will know that we are starting from scratch. This burden has come upon us. It is a terrific burden and if you want to make Pakistan a great country in the comity of nations, you much forget, as far as possible, your pleasures and tea-parties at cocktails and put in as much time and as much work as you can in the job which in entrusted to you” . He laid down a code of conduct for the civil servants which was summarized in his address to the Gazetted Officers in Chittagong on the 25th March 1948 in the following words:-

“You have to do your duty as servants; you are not concerned with this Political Part or that Political Party; that is not your business. It is a business of Politician to fight out their case under the present Constitution or the future constitution that may be with his party or that party. You are civil servants, and your duty is to serve that Government for the time being as servants not as politicians. How will you do that? The Government in power for the time being much also realized and understand their responsibilities that you are not be used for this party or that. I know we are saddled with old legacy, old mentality, old psychology and it haunts our footsteps. But it is upto you now to act as true servants of the people even at the risk of any Minister or ministry trying to interfere with you in the discharge of your duties as civil servants. I hope it will not be so but even if some of you have to suffer for the victim-I hope it will not happen-I expect you to do so readily. We shall of course see that there is security for you and safeguard to you If we find that is any way prejudicial to your interest we shall find ways and loyal and Government that is in power .

The second point is that in your conduct and dealings with the people in various Departments in which you may be, wipe off that past reputations; you are not rulers. You do not belong to the ruling class; you belong to the servants. Make the people feel that you are their servants and friends, maintain the highest standard of honour, integrity, justice and fairplay. If you do that people will have confidence and trust in you and look upon you as friend and well wishers. I do not want to condemn everything of the past, there were men who did their duties according to their lights in the service in which they placed. As administrators they did do justice in many cases but they did not feel that justice was done to them because there was an order of superiority and they were held at a distance and they did not feel the warmth but they felt a freezing atmosphere when they had to do anything with the officials. Now that freezing atmosphere must go; that impression of arrogance must go, that impression that you are rulers must go and you must do your best with all courtesy and sometimes you will find that it is trying and provoking when a man goes on talking and repeating a thing over and over again, but have patience and show patience and make them feel that justice has been done to them.

Next thing that I would like to impress upon you is this: I keep on getting representatives and memorials containing grievances of the people of all sorts of things. May be there is no justifications, may be there is no foundation for that, may be that they are under wrong impression and may be they are misled but in all such cases I have followed one practice for many years which is this: Whether I agree with anyone or not whether I think that he has any imaginary grievances whether I think that he does not understand but I always show patience. If you will also do the same in your dealings with an individual or any association or any organization you will ultimately stand to gain. Let not people leave you with this bearings that you hate, that you are offensive that you have insulted or that you are rude to them. Not one per cent who comes in contact with you should be left in that state of mind, you may not be able to agree withhim but do not let him go with this feeling that you are offensive or that you are discourteous. If you follow the rule believe me you will win the respect of the people.”

He repeated his exhortation in his informal talk with the Civil Officers at Peshawar on the 14th April, 1948 and what he said is working repeating.

“The first thing that I want to tell you is this, that you should not be influenced by any political pressure, by any political party or individual politician. If you want to raise the prestige and greatness of Pakistan, you must not fall a victim to any pressure, but do your duty as servants to the people and the State, Fearlessly and honestly. Service is the backbone of the State. Government and formed, Governments are defeated Prime Ministers come and go, Ministers come and go but you stay on, and therefore, there is a very great responsibility placed on your shoulders.

“Putting pressure and influence on service people, I know, is a very common fault of politician and those who influence in political parties, but I hope that you will now, from today, resolve and determine to act according to my humble advice that I am giving you.

“May be some of you may fall victims for not satisfying the shims of the Ministers. I hope it does not happen, but you may even be put to trouble not because you are doing anything wrong but because you are doing right. Sacrifices have to be made an I appeal to you, if need be, to come forward and make the sacrifice and face the position of being put on the black-list or being otherwise worried or troubled. If you will give me the opportunity of your sacrifice; some of you at least, believe me, we will find a remedy for that very soon. I tell you that you will remain on the black-list if you discharge your duties and responsibilities honestly, sincerely and loyally to the State. It is you who can give us the opportunity to create a powerful machinery which will give you a complete sense of security”.

“Finally I congratulate you for having done well so far. The dangerous position in which we were placed when we took over power from the British Government, has passed. It is a big task and things were made difficult for us. I need not go into details, but you know how we were constantly faced with an organized plan to crush Pakistan and to break us. In other provinces as well as in your province, the services have done well in spite of all that. We have warded off and withstood all machinations, and your province has not lagged behind in this respect. And, therefore, I sincerely congratulate you for the way in which you have managed things here, and I hope that you will continue in the same spirit. There is plenty of room for improvement. We have to learn a lot and we have to adjust ourselves to new developments, new issues which are facing us. But I am sure you will play your part well”.

The tasks that the Quaid had to face in the early years of Pakistan were truly gigantic. But he remained steadfast in the fact of calamities and was cool and unruffled in the circumstances which would have been most trying for an old establishment. Under his inspired leadership and guidance the nation showed that it had the will to rise with its head erect. James A. Muchener, a visitor to Pakistan in the early years, writes, “I have never seen so hardworking a government as Pakistan’s. It is literally licking itself by its own intellectual book-straps”.

Quaid-i-Azam requested and the British Government agreed, that a number of their officers should remain in Pakistan to create the armed service, to be governors of provinces, and administrative officials in the government. The Quaid-i-Azam appointed experienced British officials as Governors of three out of four provinces as permanent Secretaries of four of the federal ministries, and in may other senior positions. British officers were also retained as heads of the Army, Navy and Air force Until Quaid-i-Azam died, the military Secretaries to the Governor-General were British officers. Mr. Jinnah had not been one of the hasty reformers who wrote ‘Quit India’ on the wall long before partition he had hoped to use British officials in making his Muslim State, he even know which ones he wishes to retain, and for how long. He said to General Sir Douglas Gracey, “Ten years is the limit I have fixed for asking the British officers to stay”. This peremptory decision involved the private inclinations of British officer who were already tired with the long wrangle of Indian affairs. But when they were asked, they stayed. Quaid-i-Azam named them: he said to Lord Ismay, “I want Sir Archibald Rowlands to be my financial adviser, I want Sir George Cuningham to be governor of the North West Frontier; I want Sir Francis Mudie to be governor of West Punjab” . Quaid-i-Azam knew exactly what he required from each of these men. It is obvious that he wanted experienced and strong Governors. He was fully conversant with the rifts, rivalries and intrigues in these various Provinces. However, the administration shaped out of diverse elements proved equal to trials and emergencies to which it was exposed for day to day.

It may be point out here, that, despite the plenitude of power which he enjoyed as the father of the nation, there was not even a single instance in the entire period of his tenure as the Governor-General when he overstepped, much less misused, his authority. The Quaid not doubt enjoyed extraordinary powers but these powers were conferred upon him by the Cabinet to meet the extraordinary circumstances that clearly demanded extraordinary measures. The members of the cabinet voluntarily decided that “he could overrule the Cabinet but he neither overstepped the constitutional limits nor imposed his decision on the Cabinet. He always pleaded his point of view with compelling logic but would welcome and appreciate any opposite opinion, provided it was equally backed by facts and reasons . In his capacity as the Quaid-i-Azam, no legal or formal limitations could apply on him . His influence over his people was so great that he “Could have held any position or none; he would still have ultimate authority in his own persons”.

Reference:     Quaid-i-Azam Mohammad Ali Jinnah as Governor-General of Pakistan

Author:           Iqtidar Karamat Cheema

Publisher:       Pakistan Study Centre, University of the Punjab, Lahore. 2006

Notes and References

Wilber, Pakistan: Yesterday and Today, New York 1964, p. 120.

I.H. Qureshi, A short History of Pakistan, Karachi 1967, p. 229.

M.H. Saiyid, Mohammad Ali Jinnah a political study, Lahore 1953, p. 453.

S.M. Ikram, Modern Muslim Indian and the Birth of Pakistan, Lahore 1970, p. 422.

Zawar Hussain Zaidi, Jinnah Papers, Vol. V. Islamabad 2000, p. xxvi.

Jamil-ud-Din Ahmad, Glimpses of Quaid-e-Azam, Karachi 1960, p. 55.

Mushtaq Ahmad, Governor & Politics in Pakistan, Karachi 1963, p. 23.

Wayne Ayres Wilcox, Pakistan: The Consolidation of a Nation, New York, 1963, p. 96.

Ibid.

Muzaffar Ahmad Chaudhri, Govt. & Politics in Pakistan, p. 159.

Gazette Extraordinary, 23rd July, 1948.

Mushtaq Ahmad, op.cit., p. 23.

Ibid., p. 24.

Ahmed Hassan Dani, Quaid-i-Azam and Pakistan, Islamabad 1981, pp. 258-259.

Khurshid Ahmad Khan Yusufi, Speeches, Statements & Message of the Quaid-i-Azam, Lahore 1996, Vol. 4, P. 2626.

The Eastern Times, February 15, 1948.

S.M. Burke, Jinnah Speeches and Statements 1947-1948, Karachi 2002, pp. 166-168.

Zawar H. Zaidi, op.cit., Vol. VII, pp. 208-09.

James A. Michener, The Voice of Asia, p. 293.

Richard Symond, The making of Pakistan, London, 1950, p. 91.

Ch. Mohammad Ali, The Emergence of Pakistanp. 385.

Ibid., p. 382.

The Dawn, 13 July 1947.

Keith Collard, Pakistan a Political Study, London 1957, p. 131

Reference

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