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Archive for October, 2013

BRAVERY: How Muslim Women Are Waging a Jihad for Peace

Muslim women are too often portrayed as downtrodden victims or supporters of extremism—but they are at the very heart of the push for moderation and peace in places like Egypt and Afghanistan.

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Pakistani schoolgirls, who were displaced with their families from Pakistan’s tribal areas due to fighting between Neanderthal Taliban
and the Pakistan Army, say prayers during a class to pay tribute for five female teachers and two aid workers who were killed by gunmen, Jan. 3, 2013. (Muhammed Muheisen/AP)

BRAVERY

How Muslim Women Are Waging a Jihad for Peace

 – BY SAMINA ALI

 
As we commemorate the 12th anniversary of 9/11, an important but often overlooked question to ask is: What have Muslim women been doing since 9/11 to promote peace and justice?

It’s a question few think to ask because—according to our popular stereotypes—Muslim women are either too in thrall to dangerous narratives of extremism or too downtrodden and subordinated to play an active role as agents for peace.

As curator for the International Museum of Womens global exhibitionMuslima: Muslim Women’s Art & Voices, I’ve come to a very different view. In fact, I’ve come to realize that Muslim women are an unsung, secret resource in what you might term a global jihad for peace and justice.

While curating the Muslima exhibition, I’ve had the opportunity to meet hundreds of Muslim women leaders, writers, and artists from around the world. The diversity among these women is breathtaking: different languages, cultures, artistic expressions, different spectrums of faith. Yet I’ve discovered that the one passion that animates each woman beyond all other is the work she’s been doing over the past decade to create more tolerance and equality in her country through creative and often brave endeavors.

For example, Egyptian graffiti artist SuzeeintheCity is using the walls of her city as a canvas to express her yearning for peace and self-expression. Graffiti art may not seem on the surface to be a form of serious resistance, but “when you live under a police state of constant oppression and fear,” SuzeeintheCity tells Muslima in an interview, “it’s only natural that the walls are completely bare and if there’s any art it’s government sanctioned and sponsored … [such as] support for Mubarak and his family.”

Add to this that the total adult literacy rate in Egypt is a mere 66 percent, making visual dissemination of information more effective than text, and the message of SuzeeintheCity and other street artists featured in Muslima becomes clear: In the face of their government’s escalating policing on freedom and rights, these resilient activists refuse to be bullied into silence.

Another woman who refuses to be silenced is Alka Sadat. Living in Afghanistan, where the Taliban once ruled and all forms of media were banned—TV, magazines, newspapers, anything with images of people—she bravely works as an award-winning documentary filmmaker.

When I spoke to her for Muslima, she admitted that whenever “I walk down the street I’m always afraid that someone may try to kill me.”

The Taliban and the government have tried to assassinate the subject of her latest documentary, Maria Bashir. The film, Half Value Life, chronicles the daily struggles of Bashir, who is the country’s only female prosecutor general. Working in Herat, one of the country’s most corrupt cities, Bashir has taken on the mission of educating women of their legal and Islamic rights to equality. Empowered by their knowledge, women are filing police reports in record numbers against male abusers.

When I asked Bashir why she puts her own life in danger to save other women’s lives, she told me that justice can only be reached when women are “aware of their rights… I tell them that if they work in the government of Afghanistan, they can have a significant role in the rule of law, and specifically justice for women.”

 

The fact is that women understand—and are key to confronting—extremism because it is too often they who are the victims of it.

 

Alka Sadat echoes Bashir’s sentiments, explaining that equality of gender rights will bring greater human rights to Afghanistan, which will result in peace. “If we have peace, it means more people can get an education and learn about women’s rights,” she says.

Why are Sadat and Bashir so convinced that greater justice for women will lead to greater peace? In a place like Afghanistan, the treatment of women can be a great litmus test for rising ideologies. With both the upcoming 2014 elections as well as the withdrawal of U.S. troops, the danger that the Taliban could return to power is a threat to not only the women in Afghanistan but to peace everywhere.

The fact is that women understand—and are key to confronting—extremism because it is too often they who are the victims of it.

Dalia Mogahed, the former executive director of the Gallup Center for Muslim Studies agrees that women are key to countering extremism, right at its very source. She says that when we listen more carefully to terrorists, what “we hear beneath the religious veneer is a fundamentally political, not religious, argument. From the Boston bombers to the gruesome murder of a British soldier in Woolwich, terrorists justify their violence by citing modern grievances not medieval exegesis.” Not only do terrorists groups like Al Qaeda represent fringe elements, Mogahed explains that Muslims are in fact “Al Qaeda’s number one victims.” Al Qaeda exploits young men’s “anger at oftentimes legitimate grievances, to recruit them into a life of crime.”

The best way to prevent this? “Women,” Mogahed says, “as mothers, teachers, scholars and community leaders play a vital role” in educating young Muslims to have a strong understanding that the Islam of the Quran is in opposition to the ideology of Al Qaeda.

Twelve years on from 9/11, as we commemorate our nation’s loss, let’s also set aside our stereotypes of Muslims—and especially Muslim women—to imagine the potential of a global jihad for peace. Far from being passive, Muslim women—artists, community leaders, mothers—are bravely leading the charge.

 

Samina Ali is the curator of Muslima: Muslim Women’s Arts & Voicesa groundbreaking online exhibition from the International Museum of Women. Ali’s debut novel, Madras on Rainy Days,was awarded the Prix Premier Roman Étranger 2005 Award in France. She is also the cofounder of Daughters of Hajar, a Muslim American feminist organization.

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WOMEN PHILOSOPHERS OF ISLAM: SUFI, MYSTIC, POET & ISLAMIC SCHOLAR: HAZRAT RABIA BASRI (rahmatullahi alyha)

Rabi’ah al-Adawiyya, a major spiritual influence in the classical Islamic world, is one of the central figures of the spiritual tradition. She was born around the year 717 C.E. in what is now Iraq.
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Rabia al Basri
717-801

Not much is known about Rabia al Basri, except that she lived in Basra in Iraq, in the second half of the 8th century AD. She was born into poverty. But many spiritual stories are associated with her and what we can glean about her is reality merged with legend. These traditions come from Farid ud din Attar a later sufi saint and poet, who used earlier sources. Rabia herself though has not left any written works.

HAZRAT RABIA BASRI (rahmatullahi alyha)

Hazrat Rabia’s (rahmatullahi alayha) parents were so poor that there was no oil in the house to light a lamp, nor a cloth even to wrap her with.

She was the -fourth child in the family. Her mother requested her husband to borrow some oil from a neighbour, but he had resolved in his life never to ask for anything from anyone except the Creator; so he pretended to go to the neighbour’s door and so gently knocked at it that he might not be heard and answered, and therefore returned home empty-handed. He told his wife that the neighbour did not open the door, so he came disappointed.

In the night the Prophet appeared to him in a dream and told him, “Your newly born daughter is a favourite of the Lord, and shall lead many Muslims to the Path of Deliverance. You should approach the Amir of Basra and present him with a letter in which should be written this message, “You offer Darud to the Holy Prophet (Sallallaahu Alayhi Wa Sallam) one hundred times every night and four hundred times every Thursday night. However, since you failed to observe the rule last Thursday, as a penalty you must pay the bearer four hundred dinars. Hazrat Rabia’s (rahmatullahi alayha) father got up and went straight to the Amir, with tears of joy rolling down his cheeks. The Amir was delighted on receiving the message and knowing that he was in the eyes of the Prophet (Sallallaahu Alayhi Wa Sallam) he distributed in gratitude one thousand dinars to the poor and paid with joy four hundred to Rabia’s father and requested him to come to him whenever he required anything as he will benefit very much by the visit of such a soul dear to the Lord.”

After her father’s death, there was a famine in Basra, and during that she was parted from her family. It is not clear how she was traveling in a caravan that was set upon by robbers. She was taken by the robbers and sold into slavery.

Her master worked her very hard, but at night after finishing her chores Rabia would turn to meditation and prayers and praising the Lord. Foregoing rest and sleep she spent her nights in prayers and she often fasted during the day.

There is a story that once, while in the market, she was pursued by a vagabond and in running to save herself she fell and broke her arm. She prayed to the Lord .

“I am a poor orphan and a slave, Now my hand too is broken. But I do not mind these things if Thou be pleased with me. “

and felt a voice reply:

“Never mind all these sufferings. On the Day of Judgement you shall be accorded a status that shall be the envy of the angels even”

One day the master of the house spied her at her devotions. There was a divine light enveloping her as she prayed. Shocked that he kept such a pious soul as a slave, he set her free. Rabia went into the desert to pray and became an ascetic. Unlike many sufi saints she did not learn from a teacher or master but turned to God himself.

Throughout her life, her Love of God. Poverty and self-denial were unwavering and her constant companions. She did not possess much other than a broken jug, a rush mat and a brick, which she used as a pillow. She spent all night in prayer and contemplation chiding herself if she slept for it took her away from her active Love of God.

As her fame grew she had many disciples. She also had discussions with many of the renowned religious people of her time. Though she had many offers of marriage, and tradition has it one even from the Amir of Basra, she refused them as she had no time in her life for anything other than God.

More interesting than her absolute asceticism, however, is the actual concept of Divine Love that Rabia introduced. She was the first to introduce the idea that God should be loved for God’s own sake, not out of fear–as earlier Sufis had done.

She taught that repentance was a gift from God because no one could repent unless God had already accepted him and given him this gift of repentance. She taught that sinners must fear the punishment they deserved for their sins, but she also offered such sinners far more hope of Paradise than most other ascetics did. For herself, she held to a higher ideal, worshipping God neither from fear of Hell nor from hope of Paradise, for she saw such self-interest as unworthy of God’s servants; emotions like fear and hope were like veils — i.e. hindrances to the vision of God Himself.

She prayed:

“O Allah! If I worship You for fear of Hell, burn me in Hell,

and if I worship You in hope of Paradise, exclude me from Paradise.

But if I worship You for Your Own sake,

grudge me not Your everlasting Beauty.”

Rabia was in her early to mid eighties when she died, having followed the mystic Way to the end. By then, she was continually united with her Beloved. As she told her Sufi friends, “My Beloved is always with me”

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Brief Notes:
Rabi’a al-‘Adawiyya
an 8th Century Islamic Saint from Iraq
By Kathleen Jenks, Ph.D.
______________________________________________________[Citations and data are from Margaret Smith, The Way of the Mystics: The Early Christian Mystics and the Rise of the Sufis, NY: Oxford University Press, 1978. See the Islamic Bookstore for sample pages. I strongly recommend her book].

One of the most famous Islamic mystics was a woman: Rabi’a al-‘Adawiyya (c.717-801). This 8th century saint was an early Sufi who had a profound influence on later Sufis, who in turn deeply influenced the European mystical love and troubadour traditions. Rabi’a was a woman of Basra, a seaport in southern Iraq. She was born around 717 and died in 801 (185-186). Her biographer, the great medieval poet Attar, tells us that she was “on fire with love and longing” and that men accepted her “as a second spotless Mary” (186). She was, he continues, “an unquestioned authority to her contemporaries” (218).
As Cambridge professor Margaret Smith explains, Rabi’a began her ascetic life in a small desert cell near Basra, where she lost herself in prayer and went straight to God for teaching. As far as is known, she never studied under any master or spiritual director. She was one of the first of the Sufis to teach that Love alone was the guide on the mystic path (222). A later Sufi taught that there were two classes of “true believers”: one class sought a master as an intermediary between them and God — unless they could see the footsteps of the Prophet on the path before them, they would not accept the path as valid. The second class “…did not look before them for the footprint of any of God’s creatures, for they had removed all thought of what He had created from their hearts, and concerned themselves solely with God. (218)
Rabi’a was of this second kind. She felt no reverence even for the House of God in Mecca: “It is the Lord of the house Whom I need; what have I to do with the house?” (219) One lovely spring morning a friend asked her to come outside to see the works of God. She replied, “Come you inside that you may behold their Maker. Contemplation of the Maker has turned me aside from what He has made” (219). During an illness, a friend asked this woman if she desired anything.
“…[H]ow can you ask me such a question as ‘What do I desire?’ I swear by the glory of God that for twelve years I have desired fresh dates, and you know that in Basra dates are plentiful, and I have not yet tasted them. I am a servant (of God), and what has a servant to do with desire?” (162)
When a male friend once suggested she should pray for relief from a debilitating illness, she said,
“O Sufyan, do you not know Who it is that wills this suffering for me? Is it not God Who wills it? When you know this, why do you bid me ask for what is contrary to His will? It is not well to oppose one’s Beloved.” (221)
She was an ascetic. It was her custom to pray all night, sleep briefly just before dawn, and then rise again just as dawn “tinged the sky with gold” (187). She lived in celibacy and poverty, having renounced the world. A friend visited her in old age and found that all she owned were a reed mat, screen, a pottery jug, and a bed of felt which doubled as her prayer-rug (186), for where she prayed all night, she also slept briefly in the pre-dawn chill. Once her friends offered to get her a servant; she replied,
“I should be ashamed to ask for the things of this world from Him to Whom the world belongs, and how should I ask for them from those to whom it does not belong?” (186-7)
A wealthy merchant once wanted to give her a purse of gold. She refused it, saying that God, who sustains even those who dishonor Him, would surely sustain her, “whose soul is overflowing with love” for Him. And she added an ethical concern as well:
“…How should I take the wealth of someone of whom I do not know whether he acquired it lawfully or not?” (187)
She taught that repentance was a gift from God because no one could repent unless God had already accepted him and given him this gift of repentance. She taught that sinners must fear the punishment they deserved for their sins, but she also offered such sinners far more hope of Paradise than most other ascetics did. For herself, she held to a higher ideal, worshipping God neither from fear of Hell nor from hope of Paradise, for she saw such self-interest as unworthy of God’s servants; emotions like fear and hope were like veils — i.e., hindrances to the vision of God Himself. The story is told that once a number of Sufis saw her hurrying on her way with water in one hand and a burning torch in the other. When they asked her to explain, she said:
“I am going to light a fire in Paradise and to pour water on to Hell, so that both veils may vanish altogether from before the pilgrims and their purpose may be sure…” (187-188)
She was once asked where she came from. “From that other world,” she said. “And where are you going?” she was asked. “To that other world,” she replied (219). She taught that the spirit originated with God in “that other world” and had to return to Him in the end. Yet if the soul were sufficiently purified, even on earth, it could look upon God unveiled in all His glory and unite with him in love. In this quest, logic and reason were powerless. Instead, she speaks of the “eye” of her heart which alone could apprehend Him and His mysteries (220).
Above all, she was a lover, a bhakti, like one of Krishna’s Goptis in the Hindu tradition. Her hours of prayer were not so much devoted to intercession as to communion with her Beloved. Through this communion, she could discover His will for her. Many of her prayers have come down to us:
“I have made Thee the Companion of my heart,
But my body is available for those who seek its company,
And my body is friendly towards its guests,
But the Beloved of my heart is the Guest of my soul.” [224]
Another:
“O my Joy and my Desire, my Life and my Friend. If Thou art satisfied with me, then, O Desire of my heart, my happiness is attained.” (222)
At night, as Smith, writes, “alone upon her roof under the eastern sky, she used to pray”:
“O my Lord, the stars are shining and the eyes of men are closed, and kings have shut their doors, and every lover is alone with his beloved, and here I am alone with Thee.” (222)
She was asked once if she hated Satan.
“My love to God has so possessed me that no place remains for loving or hating any save Him.” (222)
To such lovers, she taught, God unveiled himself in all his beauty and re-vealed the Beatific Vision (223). For this vision, she willingly gave up all lesser joys.
“O my Lord,” she prayed, “if I worship Thee from fear of Hell, burn me in Hell, and if I worship Thee in hope of Paradise, exclude me thence, but if I worship Thee for Thine own sake, then withhold not from me Thine Eternal Beauty.” (224)
Rabi’a was in her early to mid eighties when she died, having followed the mystic Way to the end. By then, she was continually united with her Beloved. As she told her Sufi friends, “My Beloved is always with me” (224).

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~~~~~~~~~~
Links to Rabi´a al-Adawiyya
Also see my ~~ISLAM page for general links to Sufism and Women in Islam
[FYI: some of those links also include Rabi’a]
~~~~~~~~~~

~http://www.ilstu.edu/~mtavakol/lhudson.html

[Added 1 December 2001]: This is “Islamic Mysticism and Gender Identity,” an excellent, lengthy, footnoted paper by Leonard E. Hudson. The author begins with a famous and beautiful passage from the earliest Sufi woman-saint, Rabi’a, and then comments:
…The Sufis pursue the love of God in the same manner that one person, enflamed with the fires of passion, pursues another. It is therefore of no great surprise that Sufi literature often takes the form of love poems. What is surprising, however, is the fact that–despite the mysogynistic tradition of orthodox Islam, and the typical attitude of Muslim theologians that women possess, “little capacity for thought, and less for religion” –many of the greatest Islamic mystics have been women….
After a brief discussion of Sufi tenets (including a lack of gender distinctions since gender is burned away in the love of God), the author turns to the life of Rabi’a:
…Little is known of her early years, save that she was born sometime between 712-717 to a poor family in the city of Basra (located in what is now Iraq), spent her youth as a slave, and was later freed. What we do know of her, however, is that throughout her life, her asceticism was absolute and unwavering, as was her Love of God. Poverty and self-denial were Rabi’a’s constant companions. For example, her typical possessions are said to have been a broken jug from which she drank, an old rush mat to sit upon, and a brick for a pillow. She spent each night in prayer and often chided herself for sleeping, as it prevented her constant contemplation and active Love of God. She rebuked all offers of marriage–of which there were many –because she had no room for anything in her life that might distract her from complete devotion to God. Indeed, in this same manner she “rebuffed anything that could distract her” from the Beloved, i.e., God. More interesting than her absolute asceticism, however, is the actual concept of Divine Love that Rabi’a introduced. She was the first to introduce the idea that God should be loved for God’s own sake, not out of fear–as earlier Sufis had done. For example, she is reported to have walked the streets of Basra, a flaming torch in one hand, and a bucket of water in the other. When her intentions were questioned, Rabi’a replied: I want to pour water into Hell and set fire to Paradise so that these two veils disappear and nobody worships God out of fear of Hell or hope for Paradise, but only for the sake of His eternal beauty….
Moving beyond Rabi’a’s life, the author considers such difficult issues as the gender-transcendent ideal of Sufism, today’s Islamic feminists and their criticism of Sufis, and “homosocial” relationships (which touch upon Rumi’s life). I found it a literate, well-researched paper.
http://www.digiserve.com/mystic/Muslim/Rabia/index.html
[Added 1 December 2001]: From D. Platt comes “About Rabi´a al-Adawiyya,” a brief essay on Rabi’s’ life. (Note: if you click on “Select A New Mystic” from the site’s lefthand menu, you’ll find a good choice of other Islamic mystics and scholars.)
Also included is a section explaining how Charles Upton, author of Doorkeeper of the Heart: Versions of Rabi´a, worked with English translations of traditional sayings from Rabi’a. From the menu on the left, you can select from some of these sayings — they read beautifully, but for a non-Islamicist to re-work these passages, based only on English translations (literal or otherwise), and following his own muse, makes me nervous. Still, the underlying fervour feels accurate enough. [Note: for more of Upton’s excerpts, see: http://www.sufism.org/books/rabiaex.html; and for a page on the slim, 56 page book itself, see: http://www.sufism.org/books/rabia.html.]
http://sufimaster.org/adawiyya.htm
[Added 1 December 2001]:This is a lengthy, devotional page filled with sayings and legendary tales about Rabi’a. Are such legends “true”? Well, yes and no. In a sense, it doesn’t matter since these are “teaching stories.” Regardless, they are often lovely and evocative — and interspersed among them I found some especially interesting pieces. For example, here’s a sad one — but please don’t use this as an excuse to condemn Islam — unfortunately, nearly identical sentiments have been expressed by Christian males about saintly Christian females. In other words, this is a patriarchal bias, not a spiritual one:
…She is often referred to as the first true Saint (waliya) of Islam and was praised, not because she in any way represented womankind, but because as someone said, “When a woman walks in the Way of Allah like a man she cannot be called a woman”….
This one has the earthy practicality, humor, and compassion of a Teresa of Avila:
…Another story tells of how one day Hasan al-Basri saw Rabi`a near a lake. Throwing his prayer rug on top of the water, he said, “Rabi`a come! Let us pray two ruk`u here.” She replied, “Hasan, when you are showing off your spiritual goods in the worldly market, it should be things which your fellow men cannot display.” Then she threw her prayer rug into the air and flew up onto it. “Come up here, Hasan, where people can see us,” she cried. But seeing his sadness Rabi`a sought to console him, so she said, “Hasan, what you did fishes can do, and what I did flies can do. But the real business is outside these tricks. One must apply oneself to the real business”….
And this one relates to the Mecca story to which I refer below:
…There is a story that Rabi`a was once on her way to Mecca. When she was half-way there she saw the Ka`ba coming to meet her and she said, “It is the Lord of the House Whom I need. What have I to do with the House? I need to meet with Him Who said: ‘Whoso approaches Me by a span’s length I will approach him by the length of a cubit.’ The Ka`ba which I see has no power over me. What does the Ka`ba bring to me?” ….
http://www.islamicresources.com/Prominent_Muslims/Others/
rabiah_basri_mystic.htm
[Added 1 December 2001]:This is a brief, no frills page on the life and sayings of Rabi’a. You will have read much of this elsewhere in other links on my site but some of the sayings are new — and worthwhile.
http://www.maryams.net/text/biog.html
[Link updated 16 January 20o3]
[Added 1 December 2001]:From Maryams.net come biographical sketches of Muslim women — this one’s on Rabi’a, brief but useful and with good resources (print and web) listed at the end. Here is how it opens:
Little is known for sure about Rabi`a al-‘Adawiyya al-Qaysiyya (known as Rabi`a of Basra), revered as one of the earliest and greatest Sufi mystic ascetics in Islam.
She was born into poverty: the fourth girl (hence her name Rabi`a meaning “fourth”) around 95-99 A.H. in Basra. It is thought she was captured after being orphaned and sold into slavery, becoming a flautist.
Rabi`a was freed by her owner after an event in which he was startled by observing an enveloping radiance (sakina) around her whilst she was rapt in prayer. It is said that she retreated into the desert and began occupying herself with a life of worship….
If you’re interested in contemporary Muslim women’s issues, or in other Muslim women mystics and leaders (including contemporary author and activist, Margret Marcus, the first American Jewish woman to convert to Islam), this is a great place for browsing. Most of the entries are relatively brief, so they won’t demand too much of a busy schedule.
~http://www.clearlight.com/~sufi/fiam1.htm
[Added 1 December 2001]: This is another brief publisher’s page promoting First among Sufis: The Life & Thought of Rabia al-Adawiyya by Widad El Sakkakini. I haven’t read it so you’ll have to judge for yourself if it’s worth your time.
http://www.siddhayoga.org/community/families/tales_2000/rabia/
[Added 28 November 2001]: This is The Golden Tales: The Life of Rabi’a, a children’s book (also available as a video). From the video description, at least one obvious liberty has been taken with history: Rabi’a is said to have lived her ascetic life in Mecca, not Basra, which is a significant error, especially since we know her thoughts on Mecca — it was, she said, the Lord of the house who interested her, not his house. She certainly never spent her life in Mecca. The book and/or video might, however, be evocative and engaging enough to appeal to children who really wouldn’t care where she lived.

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Rabia the Slave

Written by Huda Khattab

Rabia was a mystic, or a holy woman, who spent her whole life in devotion to God. She was born over a thousand years ago, in the city of Basra, in Iraq. Long ago, in the city of Basra, there lived a young woman named Rabia. She came from a poor family. She and her three sisters suffered greatly, for their parents had died and then there was a great famine.

It was a violent and dangerous time. The famine made people cruel, ready to do almost anything to survive. Rabia knew it was not safe to walk alone in the town, but she had to find food. One evening, she slipped out of the house, and into the street. Suddenly, someone caught her, holding her roughly. A hand was over her mouth — she could not cry for help. She had been captured by a wicked dealer in slaves, who then sold her in the market, for just a few coins.

As a slave, Rabia served in the house of a rich man. She had to work hard, for long hours. Yet all the time, through out the day as she worked, she prayed and fasted. Even at night, she slept little. She often stood praying as dawn broke and her daily tasks began.

One hot night, Rabia’s master found he could not sleep. He got up, and walked over to the window of his room. He looked down, into the courtyard below. There, he saw the solitary figure of Rabia, his slave. Her lips moved in prayer, and he could just catch the words in the still night air. Oh God, Thou knowest that the desire of my heart is to obey Thee, and if the affair lay with me, I would not rest one hour from serving Thee, but Thou Thyself has set me under the hand of Thy creature. For this reason I come late to Thy service. . .

There was something very strange about the scene. At first, the master could not quite understand what it was. Then he realized. There was a lamp above Rabia’s head. Ithung there, quite still — but without a chain. As he watched, its light filled the whole house. Suddenly, he was afraid. He returned to his bed, and layawake, thinking of what he had seen. He was certain of only one thing. Such a woman should not be a slave. In the morning, he called Rabia to him, and spoke to her kindly. He told her he would set her free.

“I beg your permission to depart,” murmured Rabia, and her master agreed at once. Rabia set off out of the town, deep into the desert. There she lived as a hermit, alone for awhile, serving God. Later, she went to Makkah as a pilgrim.

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The Sayings of Rabia
By Richard Monckton Milnes, Lord Houghton (1809-1885)

I

A PIOUS friend one day of Rabia asked,
How she had learnt the truth of Allah wholly?
By what instructions was her memory tasked-
How was her heart estranged from this world’s folly?
She answered-‘Thou, who knowest God in parts, 5
Thy spirit’s moods and processes can tell; I only know that in my heart of hearts
I have despised myself and loved Him well.’

II

Some evil upon Rabia fell,
And one who loved and knew her well 10
Murmured that God with pain undue
Should strike a child so fond and true:
But she replied- ‘Believe and trust
That all I suffer is most just;
I had in contemplation striven 15
To realize the joys of heaven;
I had extended fancy’s flights
Through all that region of delights,-
Had counted, till the numbers failed,
The pleasures on the blest entailed,- 20
Had sounded the ecstatic rest
I should enjoy on Allah’s breast;
And for those thoughts I now atone
That were of something of my own,
And were not thoughts of Him alone.’ 25

III

When Rabia unto Mekkeh came,
She stood awhile apart-alone,
Nor joined the crowd with hearts on flame
Collected round the sacred stone.
She, like the rest, with toil had crossed 30
The waves of water, rock, and sand,
And now, as one long tempest-tossed,
Beheld the Kaabeh’s promised land.
Yet in her eyes no transport glistened;
She seemed with shame and sorrow bowed; 35
The shouts of prayer she hardly listened,
But beat her heart and cried aloud:-
‘O heart! weak follower of the weak,
That thou should’st traverse land and sea,
In this far place that God to seek 40
Who long ago had come to thee!’

IV

Round holy Rabia’s suffering bed
The wise men gathered, gazing gravely- ‘Daughter of God!’ the youngest said,
‘Endure thy Father’s chastening bravely; 45
They who have steeped their souls in prayer Can every anguish calmly bear.’
She answered not, and turned aside,
Though not reproachfully nor sadly;
‘Daughter of God!’ the eldest cried, 50
‘Sustain thy Father’s chastening gladly; They who have learnt to pray aright,
From pain’s dark well draw up delight.’
Then she spoke out- ‘Your words are fair;
But, oh! the truth lies deeper still; 55
I know not, when absorbed in prayer,
Pleasure or pain, or good or ill;
They who God’s face can understand
Feel not the motions of His hand.’

 

Courtesy: http://www.rabianarker.com/html/rabia_stories.html

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http://www.rabianarker.com/html/rabia_stories.html

 

I carry a torch in one hand
And a bucket of water in the other:
With these things I am going to set fire to Heaven
And put out the flames of Hell
So that voyagers to God can rip the veils
And see the real goal.

***************
Brothers, my peace is in my aloneness.
My Beloved is alone with me there, always.
I have found nothing in all the worlds
That could match His love,
This love that harrows the sands of my desert.
If I come to die of desire
And my Beloved is still not satisfied,
I would live in eternal despair.
To abandon all that He has fashioned
And hold in the palm of my hand
Certain proof that He loves me—
That is the name and the goal of my search.
Rabi´a al-Adawiyya, translation by Andrew Harvey and Eryk Hanut – ‘Perfume of the Desert’
~~

O Lord,
If tomorrow on Judgment Day
You send me to Hell,
I will tell such a secret
That Hell will race from me
Until it is a thousand years away.
O Lord,
Whatever share of this world
You could give to me,
Give it to Your enemies;
Whatever share of the next world
You want to give to me,
Give it to Your friends.
You are enough for me.
O Lord,
If I worship You
From fear of Hell, burn me in Hell.
O Lord,
If I worship You
From hope of Paradise, bar me from its gates.
But if I worship You for Yourself alone
Then grace me forever the splendor of Your Face.
Rabi´a al-Adawiyya, translation by Andrew Harvey and Eryk Hanut – ‘Perfume of the Desert’
~~

In love, nothing exists between heart and heart.
Speech is born out of longing,
True description from the real taste.
The one who tastes, knows;
the one who explains, lies.
How can you describe the true form of Something
In whose presence you are blotted out?
And in whose being you still exist?
And who lives as a sign for your journey?

Rabia al-Adawiyya
~~

I have two ways of loving You:
A selfish one
And another way that is worthy of You.
In my selfish love, I remember You and You alone.
In that other love, You lift the veil
And let me feast my eyes on Your Living Face.
Rabi´a al-Adawiyya. Doorkeeper of the heart:versions of Rabia. Trans. Charles Upton
~~

The source of my suffering and loneliness is deep in my heart.
This is a disease no doctor can cure.
Only Union with the Friend can cure it.
Rabi´a al-Adawiyya, translation by Andrew Harvey and Eryk Hanut – ‘Perfume of the Desert’
~~

 

 

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Am I A Skeptical Muslim?

UPRIGHT OPINION

October 17, 2013

Am I A Skeptical Muslim?

By Saeed Qureshi

I am a Muslim yet I am a skeptical Muslim? There should be countless like me. My skepticism remains stuck up in several intellectual roadblocks that I keep clearing. I believe in the six basic articles of Islamic belief which are: belief in one God, belief in his angels, belief in his prophets, or messenger, belief in his books, belief in the Judgment Day, belief in God’s pre- knowledge and determination of all things.

I believe in the five pillars of observance which are: Kalima Tayyab (confession of faith in one God and Muhammad as his prophet), Prayers, Zakat (Islamic Tax or charity), Fasting, pilgrimage to Mecca. I believe in three sources or authorities of Islamic guidance, which are The Holy Qur’an, The Sunnah and Hadith.  The Shariah or Islamic law as I understand is based upon five principles, 1. Fard (absolute duty), 2. Mustajab (good deed), 3. Mubah (permissible deed), 4. Makruh (vile deed), 5. Haram (completely forbidden)

There are about 48 Muslim majority countries on the planet. The Muslims’ population is more than a billion. The Muslims possess most of the oil reserves and other precious natural resources. Many Islamic countries such as Pakistan have strategic importance. The Muslims have an ideal religion that encompasses and regulates their whole life and even ensures a place in paradise depending upon one’s conduct in this world.

Unknown-11With all these boons and attributes, the whole Islamic bloc is mired in myriad problems ranging from poverty, illiteracy, poor civic conditions to appalling economic, political, social and good governance problems. Islam and the Islamic countries have always been kept on the receiving end by their rivals, be it Communism, Christianity or Imperialism.

The suffering of the Muslim world keep compounding and aggravating. Should the failings and miseries of the Muslim states be attributed to some inherent deficiency in Islamic teachings or the ruling classes’ deliberate efforts and intentions to block the true implementation of Islam’s code of life? Despite Islamic teachings and discourses being disseminated by Muslim clerics, round the clock, from countless religious seminaries and mosques, the character of Muslims from a ruler to a common man generally remains uninfluenced. The deep cleavages and glaring disparities in the Islamic societies among the rich and poor, privileged and unprivileged, high and low between Muslims by virtue of their wealth and status are encompassing.

Someone should guide me by naming a functional model of Islamic state after the demise of the prophet of Islam. The twenty nine years of the Khilafat-e-Rashida period is too primitive to be quoted as a model. It was the formative stage of Islam and Islam was yet to come in contact with other civilizations and to be put to test of its resilience and moral tenacity. But the fact is that out of four successors of the prophet, three died at the hands of assassins.

So apart from the personal piety and rectitude of the caliphs, the society was in a lingering turmoil. Islam could not have survived if after the death of the prophet, the first caliph had not suppressed with sword, the heretic dissident movements. The annoyance of Hazrat Ali, the son in law and cousin of the prophet, over the choosing of Abu Bakr as the first caliph led to the unbridgeable division in Islam that continues to this day.

The murder of Hazrat Osman, the third caliph of Islam and a prominent scion of the powerful Umayyad clan was the clear demarcation between the supporters of Banu Hashim and those of Umayyad.  One of the assassins of the third caliph Osman was the son of the first caliph Hazrat Abu Bakr. His name was Muhammad Ben Abu Bakr. The brutal assassination of the third caliph took place in full view of the all Islamic nobles and stalwarts living in the city of Medina.

 Osman’s murder triggered two fierce battles between the close companions and relatives of Prophet Muhammad. The first took place between Hazrat Aisha, the youngest wife of the prophet on one side and Hazrat Ali, (who by that time became the fourth caliph) on the other. The second battle was between Hazrat Ali and the Syrian Ummyad governor Muawiyah. These wars resulted in thousands of Muslims killed on both the sides.

Now Hazrat Aisha was the most beloved wife of the prophet and Ali too was very dear to the prophet. Aisha fought Ali to avenge the death of caliph Osman because Hazrat Ali was reluctant to bring the assassins to justice. The second bloody feud continued for five years between Muawiyah (also caliph) and Caliph Hazrat Ali causing countless deaths of the Muslim faithful in the battlefields. The caliphate also got divided into two contenders and that sadly wrecked the unity of Islam both ideologically and territorially.

How come that these pious people who grew up under the direct flawless and divine guidance of the prophet could not live in peace with each other and instead of deciding their mutual disputes through peaceful means, chose the battlefields? The son-in-law of the prophet and the most exalted wife of the prophet drew sword against each other although both belonged to the same house.

Why they were not influenced by the chaste upbringing of the prophet and instead violated his exhortations to the effect that it was “forbidden for a Muslim to kill another Muslim”. Why the assassins of caliph Osman were not punished? And with these initial battles in which thousands Muslim faithful perished, leading to the similar bloody conflicts that could be termed as power tussle.

Thereafter, the split of Islamic believers into two main branches of Shia and Sunni is manifest in the entire Islamic world from the day Caliph Osman was killed. It was further intensified when Muawiyah’s son and his successor Yazid, cold bloodily massacred Ali’s son, Hussein and the male members of his family near Baghdad. This gruesome incident happened because of Hussein’s challenge to the caliphate of Yazid whom they thought was a usurper and a sinner.

The Shia and Sunni conflict somehow exists even now between Iran as Shia state and Saudi Arabia as the Sunni state. Besides, in other Islamic countries these two sects run as confrontational parallel faiths. Where had gone the Islamic pristine teachings to remain fastened to the rope of Allah with steadfastness as one Muslim nation? Never was there an Islamic issue than the caliphate that brought about more bloodshed among the Muslims. Fighting with enemies of Islam was all right but how can the fight among Muslims be justified?

Yet in the present day world of technology, humanism and social liberalism, the Islamic religious zealots, the fuming preachers from the pulpit and the militant Islamic bands like Taliban, exhort the ordinary Muslims to remain united in the face of enemies. The fact is that Muslims were never united between themselves. So to ask them to unite against the enemies of Islam is asking for the moon.

The story of Islam from the rift on the succession of the prophet, to the end of the Muslim glory in Spain in 1492, to the pillage of Baghdad by Hilaku Khan in 1258 and finally to the end of Ottoman caliphate in 1924 is all about the struggle for power. It started with the tussle between Banu Hashim vs. Umayyad, then Umayyad vs. Abbasids, followed by trail of Muslim dynasties snatching lands and ascendancy from their Muslim counterparts by dint of sword and carnage. Islam’s grand and pious teachings were completely set aside by those caliphs or kings who established fearsome despotic regimes in the name of Islam. They had the least regard or care for Islamic lofty values of tolerance and fraternity.

For power and land, these Islamic dynastic rulers killed millions of simple common Muslim believers. On both the sides were Muslims rulers. How they should be labeled: as good Muslims or the violators of Islam? In Islamic dynasties the monarchs who called themselves caliphs, lived majestic and glorious lives with countless women and concubines brought to their harems from the defeated countries as slaves. They built huge and grand palaces and lived like pharaohs despite Islam’s emphasis on modesty. They wallowed in unbridled luxury and dazzling opulence which was just the opposite of the life of the prophet characterized by simplicity and self- denial.

As stated earlier, practically there is not a single model Islamic state ever established during the 15 centuries of Islam’s existence. The Islamic history is replete with Muslims killing fellow Muslims. The renegades and traitors from among the Muslims had been joining the enemies of Islam, against their own Muslim rulers either for replacing them for power or sectarian reasons. Baghdad was decimated and burnt to ashes by Mongol hordes in 1258 because of the sectarian rift between a Sunni caliph and a Shia prime minister or grand vizier.

In the present times, the radical pontiffs of Islam want to revive the golden era of Khilafat-e Rashida. Now if these attempts never fructified in the past, how can these succeed in the modern times when religion is losing its appeal because the modern societies offer better life, dignity and equality to humans than the religions? For Muslims the basic unremitting dilemma is that any Islamic state will have two parallel competing faiths of Shiaism and Sunnism, not to mention other sects. So religious peace in an Islamic country would always remain elusive and religious feuds would always pose threat to the social harmony and stability of the state.

 That is what is happening in Pakistan. With brute force and an iron clad tribal despotism, the religious factionalism can be rooted out or subdued. But the peace thus obtained would always remain hostage to the simmering unrest by the religious minorities. Such a system of government even otherwise cannot be permanent because as long the rulers are repressive they would stay in power. The moment they are weak, the fissiparous tendencies would reappear. For sectarian harmony either a state should be completely a Sunni or Shia state as we can see in Saudi Arabia and Iran respectively. Otherwise the Islamic states should be repressive like Syria and Bahrain or rigidly secular.

The theocratic governments are run in the pattern of old dynasties by the kings as in Arab countries or as divine imamates as in Iran. These are islands of Isolations and, therefore, cannot function for long time, in today’s world, shaping up as a global village. This obscurantist, tribal, monarchical cum religious outfits are out of sync with the emerging dynamics of the changing time. These are clumsy dispensations as compared with the modern democratic nation states and civil societies.

 The kind of Islam practiced in autocratic countries such as Saudi Arabia, Libya, Kuwait, UAE, Jordan and many others is not Islam in true sense. The royal families, and their filthy rich members otherwise as custodians of Islamic heritage are usurpers of the country’s wealth and their conduct is a slur on the fair name of Islam. These hereditary rulers, in fact, are extension and perpetuation of the despotic Islamic dynasties that dot the entire history of Islamic governance.

I shall be a good Muslim if the Muslim rulers present an example of being good and practicing Muslim first. Is it possible for the ordinary Muslims to meet King Abdullah or kings and despots of other Islamic countries as they could do it during the period of the first four caliphs? After their death, the prophet or the caliphs did not leave any assets or money behind them. Can there be any remotest comparison of that absolute self abnegation with   the prodigious wealth of the Muslim rulers from the Umayyad to this day?

 From the parameters set by Islam and the glorious examples presented by the early Islamic caliphs, these worldly rulers have no right to proclaim them as Muslims. These outposts of obscurantism are destined to vanish. An enlightened version of Islam that is responsive to and compatible with the needs of changing times is the recipe to the doctrinal and faith based dilemmas, factionalism and retrogression of the Muslim polities.

So I shall be a good practicing Muslim without skepticism if kings and the royal families as well as fearsome autocrats ruling the Islamic states adopt a simple life, shun their glamour and grandeur and distribute their excessive wealth among the poor Muslims around the world. My apprehensions about Islam would dilute when the opulent among them will share their wealth with the indigent and the poor among the Muslims. They should, in line, with the teachings and instructions of the holy prophet stop living in the fortified palaces and indulging in the dubious and lewd activates that Islam does not allow.

The poor Islamic states will stop looking to the west for aid and to become subservient to them, if a portion of the rich Islamic countries’ wealth is given to them. Mere lip service by the Muslim demagogues to ask the ordinary Muslims to adopt the way and conduct of Islam is counterproductive. A common Muslim is nevertheless, a better and sincere practicing faithful than the rulers and even the Islamic hypocritical preachers and clerics.

I shall be a clear-headed Muslim when Shia and Sunni and other sects within Islam will sink their canonical differences and say prayer along with each other in the same mosque and when they would love instead of cutting each other’s throats? That would be a great day of rejoicing for me when the regional and tribal schisms like Arabs and non Arabs and Muslim of east and west and Africa and Asia would disappear? If a Muslim pontiff asks someone to be a good Muslim, he in return should be asked which brand of Muslim: Shia or Sunni, Wahabi, Brelvi or Naqshabandi, and so on.

 So in Islamic societies, faith -based unity and accord is difficult to achieve because there are deep and unbridgeable differences between various sects. The very teachings of Islam and Qur’an become controversial because of the variety and multiplicity of their interpretations.  Shias can never recognize the first three caliphs as the legitimate successors of prophet nor can Sunnis believe in the 12 imams of Shia.

The Shias’ slanderous and filthy vituperation against Hazrat Aisha, the most preferred wife of founder of Islam and the first three caliphs is an unpardonable sin for the Sunnis. Wahabi consider it as their bounden Islamic duty to destroy and raze the shrines and tombs of the dead saints, while their protectors decree it as abhorrent sacrilege against the sinless ascetics. So where do we go from here?

The answer to the religious ambiguities, the galore of militating beliefs and colliding sectarianism within Islam is the establishment of the modern, secular, liberal Islamic states resplendent with democracy, constitutionalism, humanism, and civil society, accountability, rule of law and where free observance of all shades of beliefs is permissible. One may call it a secular Islamic state. Malaysia and Turkey offer a pragmatic model of a modern Islamic secular state where the state religion is Islamic but all sects and denominations are free to pursue their religious obligation without any let or hindrance or state coercion.There prevails an exemplary religious harmony between Islam and Unislamic faiths on one hand and among the sects within Islam. Can Pakistan and other Islamic countries beset with sectarian strife take a cue from these successful modern Islamic societies?

The Islamic Sharia needs to be radically modified and modernized so as to conform to the needs of the changing times and to fit into the paradigm of a modern nation state. There is a dire need to modify the Islamic religious legal system by bringing about radical changes in to such laws as rape, property, polygamy, accumulation of wealth and family laws.  Turkey was the first country to bring about a complete overhaul in the religious law in 1924. Egypt, Tunisia and Morocco have modernized Islamic legal system up to the level of enlightened modern standards.

The framework and tradition of reinterpreting Islamic laws are manifest in the four orthodox school of Fiqa or Islamic jurisprudence that revitalized and updated the shariah in new environments and the subsequent times. Pakistan’s stability and social harmony depends upon transforming it into a modern secular, nation state, where though official religion is Islam but religious freedom is constitutionally guaranteed to all minority faiths. A civil society can ensure peace and stability of Pakistan.

The writer is a senior journalist, former editor of Diplomatic Times and a former diplomat

This and other articles can also be read at www.uprightopinion.com.

 

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Appeasement taken as sign of docility

Appeasement taken as sign of docility

Asif Haroon Raja

 

 

BRUTAL IMAGES OF INDIAN ARMY’S GENOCIDAL ATROCITIES IN JAMMU & KASHMIR REGION

UNDER INDIAN OCCUPATION

 

 

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Nawaz Sharif addressed the UN Assembly on 27th and in that he jogged the memory of the UNSC by reminding it of its responsibility to resolve the 66 year old Kashmir dispute in accordance with the UN resolutions. He also called upon the international community to play its due role for the realization of the right of self-determination of the Kashmiri people and let them decide their future through a plebiscite organized by the UN. Nawaz thus rekindled the age-old stance of Pakistan, which Gen Musharraf had gratuitously sabotaged in 2003 to please India and USA. Nawaz’s statement on Kashmir was not to the liking of India. It had been lobbying hard to restrain him from re-enacting the UN resolution stance smothered by Musharraf.

Known for doing its homework, India on one hand had intensified diplomatic efforts to woo Nawaz after he took over power in early June 2013, and at the same time prepared ground to paint Pakistan and freedom movement in Kashmir in black through carefully planned false flag operations and hate offensive. The first of its kind was the deliberate heating up of Line of Control (LoC) in Kashmir in early January 2013. The incident of beheading of two Indian soldiers allegedly by Pak soldiers was drummed up and dragged on for quite some time. Hostile reaction to the death of Indian RAW agent Sarabjit Singh in April 2013 in the form of killing of Pakistani national Sanaullah Ranjay in Jammu jail tensed Indo-Pak relations. The LoC was one again heated up in August on the pretext that five Indian soldiers had been killed deep inside Indian occupied Kashmir (IOK) by Kashmiri terrorists dressed in Pak uniforms and backed by Pak Army.

From August 2013 onwards, hardly a day has passed when Indian occupation forces didn’t violate 2003 peace agreement in Kashmir by resorting to unprovoked firing and killing civilians and soldiers. Just a day before Manmohan’s address in the UN Assembly on 28thSeptember, another terror attack was stage-managed on a military target in Samba. Samba incident, coupled with previous incidents equipped Manmohan with sufficient grist to lambast Pakistan during his speech in the General Assembly. He dubbed Pakistan as an epicenter of terrorism and accused it of abetting terrorism in IOK. He also repeated India’s age-old stance that Kashmir is the integral part of India.

Manmohan continued with his laments when he met President Obama on 29 September. He had nothing else to talk except for bad mouthing Pakistan and painting India as the victim of terrorism. Receptive Obama not only shared his concerns compassionately but also approved his boxful of lies without being given shred of evidence. Manmohan’s invectives were meant to put Nawaz on the defensive during his meeting with him on the sidelines of the UN Session on the 30th. Indian foreign minister added to the disinformation campaign by giving lies-filled interview to anti-Pakistan VOA.         

Musharraf caused greatest damage to the cause of Kashmir by allowing India to fence the LoC, bridling Jihadist groups, pushing aside UN resolutions on Kashmir and suggesting out of box four-point formula to resolve the dispute. However, ZA Bhutto too had harmed the Kashmir cause during Simla talks in 1972 by agreeing to convert ceasefire line in Kashmir, demarcated on January 1, 1949 into LoC and accepting Indian suggested policy of bilateralism. Concept of LoC encouraged India to focus on converting it into permanent border between two Kashmirs at a later date. Bilateralism enabled India to rule out third party intervention. Gen Musharraf was fully geared to sell off Kashmir by agreeing to implement India’s suggestion of making LoC a permanent border and making the border soft so as to allow two-way trade and facilitate movement of Kashmiris across the border. To that end, bus service between Srinagar and Muzaffarabad was introduced.  

By early 2007, 90% work had been completed through backdoor diplomacy pursued by Foreign Minister Khursheed Kasuri and Advisor Tariq Aziz. Sudden eruption of lawyer’s movement after the sacking of Chief Justice Iftikhar by Musharraf in March 2007, which put Musharraf on the back foot, derailed the process. But for India’s chronic habit of haggling and suspicion, the unholy deal might have materialized by end 2007. Lawyer’s movement proved to be a blessing in disguise for the Kashmiris and Pakistan, but India lost the chance of century to legalize its hold over two-thirds Kashmir. Indian leaders are yearning to re-start the backchannel diplomacy and to pick up threads from where discussion on Kashmir had been abandoned in 2007. Zardari regime made no efforts to remove the stigma of terrorism pinned on Kashmiris or to revive the resistance movement but he didn’t promote Musharraf’s wonky out-of-box concept. 

Nawaz is no less a lover of India than Musharraf and Zardari. Ever since he took over, he has been bending over backwards to win the affections of lame duck Manmohan who will be off the Indian political radar for good after next elections in India due in May 2014. He nostalgically recalls that he had developed deep understanding with Vajpayee. He naively believes that Vajpayee’s historic bus yatra to Lahore in February 1999 had brought the Kashmir dispute to near resolution point, but before the final leap could be undertaken to ink the momentous treaty, Musharraf incapacitated the progress achieved by stepping into Dras-Kargil. He is eager to restart the dialogue with India from where the process broke off in 1999. I reckon, Nawaz has a memory lapse. No sooner Vajpayee had returned to New Delhi, he blurted out that Kashmir is the Atoot-Ang of India and there can never be any compromise on it. Manmohan also reiterated the same stance in his September 28th speech. It implies that the standpoint of the two mainstream political parties on Kashmir is the same.

If so, one wonders why our leaders continue to chase rainbows and hope against hope that India would change its position. Why they have so much faith in composite dialogue which started in 1997? Except for some futile CBMS like people-to-people-contact and trade, no progress could be made on any of the disputes of Kashmir, Siachin, Sir Creek and water. One fails to understand why our leaders are so naïve and myopic to repeatedly come under the magic spell of Indian leaders and get duped? What is their compulsion, and if there is any, why don’t they share it with the people rather than misleading them and leading them up the garden path that friendship with India would not only solve core issues but also make Pakistan prosperous?

If India unscrupulously cooks up stories, engineers false flag operations, insults Pakistan, makes false allegations and threatens Pakistan and whips up war hysteria, why our elected leaders do not pick up courage to call a spade a spade and expose India’s terrorism against Pakistan and massive human rights violations in IOK? Pakistan’s apologetic and defensive policy pursued in the vain hope of appeasing ever belligerent India has proved very costly. It has allowed India to carryout one-sided propaganda and to blame Pakistan for the sins committed by India’s rogue elements against Pakistan. In our quest for peace with India, our leaders have gone an extra mile to please fire-breathing and hate-mongering Indian leaders and in the process have compromised the security, honor and dignity of the country.

Our policy of appeasement is taken as a sign of docility and weakness and exploited. Friendship with India should not be at the cost of losing Kashmir and our dignity and sovereignty of the State. Pakistan will have to make its political, diplomatic and media policies pragmatically offensive to match Indo-US-western-Jewish propaganda spiteful onslaughts duly complemented by segment of our own media.  

The writer is a retired Brig, defence analyst, columnist and book writer. [email protected] 

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The Forgotten War – 12 Years in Afghanistan Down the Memory Hole

The Forgotten War

12 Years in Afghanistan Down the Memory Hole

 

Listen to Ann Jones on Monday’s Scott Horton Show

The Afghan War is officially winding down. American casualties, generally from towns and suburbs you’ve never heard of unless you were born there, are still coming in. Though far fewer American troops are in the field with Afghan forces, devastating“insider attacks” in which a soldier or policeman turns his gun on his American allies, trainers, or mentors still periodically occur. Civilian casualties continue to rise. “Surgically precise” U.S. air and drone strikes still mysteriously kill Afghan civilians. And as U.S. combat troops withdraw, Afghan-on-Afghan fighting is actually increasing, with the U.S.-trained army taking almost Vietnam-level, possibly unsustainable casualties (100 or more dead a week), while the police are similarly hit hard.

Meanwhile, as TomDispatch regular Ann Jones points out, our second longest war has already played Houdini, doing a remarkable disappearing job in “the homeland.” Almost 12 years after it began, no one here, it seems, is considering how to assess American “success” on that distant battlefield. But were we to do so, what possible gauge might we use? Here’s a suggestion: how about opium production? In 1979, the year America’s first Afghan war (against the Soviets) began, that country was producing just 250 tons of opium; by the early years of the post-9/11 American occupation of the country, that figure had hit 3,400 tons. Between 2006 and the present, it’s ranged from a 2007 high of 8,200 tons to a low of just under 5,000 tons. Officials of Russia’s Federal Drug Control Service now claim that 40,000 tons of illicit opiates have been stockpiled in Afghanistan, mostly to be marketed abroad. As of 2012, it was the world’s leading supplier of opium, with 74% of the global market, a figure that was expected to hit 90% as U.S. combat troops leave (and foreign aid flees). In other words, success in an endless war in that country has meant creating the world’s first true narco-state. It’s a record to consider. Not for nothing, it seems, were all those billons of dollars expended, not without accomplishments do we leave (if we are actually leaving).

Today, Ann Jones, who spent years in Afghanistan working with Afghan women and wrote a striking book, Kabul in Winter, based on her experiences, considers the Afghan end game and what to make of it. In 2010-2011, she put on her combat boots and headed back to that country, embedding with U.S. troops. Then, having previously focused on the toll the war had taken on Afghan civilians, she decided to see for herself, up close and personal, what that war’s cost was for American soldiers. The result, I believe, is a signal achievement and one of the best pieces of reportage from that war. She followed American war-wounded from a trauma hospital at Bagram Air Base in Afghanistan to medical facilities in Germany, then on to Walter Reed Hospital, and – for those who made it – finally back to their homes. The result is the first original offering from this website’s publishing arm, Dispatch Books: They Were Soldiers: How the Wounded Return From America’s Wars – the Untold Story. Believe me, it’s groundbreaking, it’s breathtaking, and I’m proud that, in conjunction with Haymarket Books, we will be publishing it this November 7th.

Nothing like her account exists. Of it, Jonathan Schell, no stranger to the costs of war, wrote: “For a decade, the independent journalist Ann Jones has, through her firsthand reporting of war and life on the ground in Afghanistan, given us more of the reality of that conflict than any dozen of her well-connected colleagues in the established media, attuned as they have been to the cant and spin pouring out of official mouths. Now, she has turned her shrewd, wise, compassionate, reality-bound eye to some of the bitterest facts of all: the almost unimaginable suffering of the American soldiers wounded and otherwise impaired in the conflict. The result is a harrowing and compelling tale that is hard to bear but must be borne if we are to understand the rolling disaster this country unleashed in Afghanistan more than a decade ago.” ~ Tom

The Forgotten War: 12 Years in Afghanistan Down the Memory Hole

By Ann Jones

Will the U.S. still be meddling in Afghanistan 30 years from now? If history is any guide, the answer is yes. And if history is any guide, three decades from now most Americans will have only the haziest idea why.

Since the 1950s, the U.S. has been trying to mold that remote land to its own desires, first through an aid “war” in the midst of the Cold War with the Soviet Union; then, starting as the 1970s ended, an increasingly bitter and brutally hot proxy war with the Soviets meant to pay them back for supporting America’s enemies during the war in Vietnam. One bad war leads to another.

From then until the early 1990s, Washington put weapons in the hands of Islamic fundamentalist extremists of all sorts – thought to be natural, devoutly religious allies in the war against “godless communism” – gloated over the Red Army’s defeat and the surprising implosion of the Soviet empire, and then experienced its own catastrophic blowback from Afghanistan on September 11, 2001. After 50 years of scheming behind the scenes, the U.S. put boots on the ground in 2001 and now, 12 years later, is still fighting there – against some Afghans on behalf of other Afghans while trainingAfghan troops to take over and fight their countrymen, and others, on their own.

Through it all, the U.S. has always claimed to have the best interests of Afghans at heart – waving at various opportune moments the bright flags of modernization,democracyeducation, or the rights of women. Yet today, how many Afghans would choose to roll back the clock to 1950, before the Americans ever dropped in? After 12 years of direct combat, after 35 years of arming and funding one faction or another, after 60 years of trying to remake Afghanistan to serve American aims, what has it all meant? If we ever knew, we’ve forgotten. Weary of official reports of progress, Americans tuned out long ago.

Back in 1991, as Steve Coll reports in Ghost Wars, an unnamed CIA agent mentioned the war in Afghanistan to President George H.W. Bush. Not long before, he had okayed the shipment of Iraqi weaponry captured in the first Gulf War – worth $30 million – to multiple factions of Islamist extremists then battling each other and probably using those secondhand Iraqi arms to destroy Afghanistan’s capital, Kabul. Still, Bush seemed puzzled by the CIA man’s question about the war. He reportedly asked, “Is that thing still going on?”

Such forgetfulness about wars has, it seems, become an all-American skill. Certainly, the country has had little trouble forgetting the war in Iraq, and why should Afghanistan be any different? Sure, the exit from that country is going to take more time and effort. No seacoast, no ships, bad roads, high tolls, IEDs. Trucking stuff out is problematic; flying it out, wildly expensive, especially since a lot of the things are really, really big. Take MRAPs, for example – that’s Mine-Resistant Ambush-Protected vehicles – 11,000 of them, weighing 14 tons or more apiece. For that workhorse transport plane, the C-17, a full load of MRAPs numbers only four.

The equipment inventory keeps changing, but estimates run to 100,000 shipping containers and about 50,000 vehicles to be removed by the end of 2014, adding up to more than $36 billion worth of equipment now classified as “retrograde.” The estimated shipping bill has quickly risen to $6 billion, and like the overall cost of the war, it is sure to keep rising.

Seven billion dollars worth of equipment – about 20% of what the U.S. sent in to that distant land – is simply being torn up, chopped down, split, shredded, stomped, and, when possible, sold off for scrap at pennies a pound. Toughest to break up are the weighty MRAPs. Introduced in 2007 at a cost of $1 million apiece to counteract deadly roadside bombs, they were later discovered to be no better at protecting American soldiers than the cheaper vehicles they replaced. Of the 11,000 shipped to Afghanistan, 2,000 are on the chopping block, leaving a mere 9,000 to be flown to Kuwait, four at a time, and shipped home or “repositioned” elsewhere to await some future enemy.

The military is not exaggerating when it calls this colossal destruction of surplus equipment historic. A disposal effort on this scale is unprecedented in the annals of the Pentagon. The centerpiece of this demolition derby may be the brand-new, 64,000-square-foot, $34-million, state-of-the art command center completed in Helmand Province just as most U.S. troops left, and now likely to be demolished. Or the new $45 million facility in Kandahar built as a repair center for armored vehicles, now used for their demolition, and probably destined to follow them. Taxpayers may one day want to ask some questions about such profligate and historic waste, but it’s sure to keep arms manufacturers happy, resupplying the military until we can get ourselves into another full-scale war.

So this exit is a really big job, and that’s without even mentioning the paperwork. All those exit plans, all the documents to be filed with the Afghan government for permission to export our own equipment, all the fines assessed for missing customs forms (already running to $70 million), all the export fees to be paid, and the bribes to be offered, and the protection money to be slipped to the Taliban so our enemies won’t shoot at the stuff being trucked out. All that takes time.

But when it comes right down to it, the United States has a surefire way of ending a war, no matter when it actually ends (or doesn’t). When we say it’s over, it’s over.

Enduring Operation Enduring Freedom

As it happens, things probably won’t be quite so decisively “over” for everybody. Look at Iraq, for example. The last American troops drove out of Iraq in December 2011, leaving behind a staff of at least 16,000, including 5,000 private security contractors, assigned to the vast $750 million fortress of a U.S. Embassy in Baghdad. That war has now been over for almost two years, the embassy staff is being trimmed, and yet, the drumbeat of news about car bombssuicide bombers, and the latest rounds of sectarian cleansing has not slackened. Nearly 6,000 Iraqis have been killed so far this year, 1,000 in July alone, making it the deadliest month in Iraq since 2008. Even Iraqis who lived through the war in their own homes are now fleeing, like millions of Iraqis before them – many the victims of sectarian cleansing practiced during the American-led “surge” of 2007 and now polished to a fine art. From the foreign diplomatic corps in Baghdad come informal messages that include the words “worse than ever.”

In Afghanistan, too, as the end of a longer war supposedly draws near, the rate at which civilians are being killed has actually picked up, and the numbers of women and children among the civilian dead have risen dramatically. This week, as theNation magazine devotes a special issue to a comprehensive study of the civilian death toll in Afghanistan – the painstaking work of Bob Dreyfuss and Nick Turse – the pace of civilian death seems only to be gaining momentum as if in some morbid race to the finish.

Like Iraqis, Afghans, too, are in flight – fearing the unknown end game to come. The number of Afghans filing applications for asylum in other countries, rising sharply since 2010, reached 30,000 in 2012. Undocumented thousands flee the country illegally in all sorts of dangerous ways. Their desperate journeys by land and sea spark controversy in countries they’re aiming for. It was Afghan boat people who roused theanti-immigrant rhetoric of candidates in the recent Australian elections, revealing a dark side of the national character even as Afghans and others drowned off their shores. War reverberates, even where you least expect it.

Afghans who remain at home are on edge. Their immediate focus: the presidential election scheduled for April 5, 2014. It’s already common knowledge that the number of existing voter cards far exceeds the number of eligible voters, and millions more are being issued to new registrants, making it likely that this presidential contest will be as fraudulent as the last, in 2009, when voter cards were sold by the handful.

With President Hamid Karzai constitutionally barred from a third term, the presidential race is either wide open, or – as many believe – already a done deal. In August, Afghan news services reported that Karzai had chaired a meeting with a few of the country’s most powerful warlords to call for the candidacy of Abdul Rab Rasoul Sayyaf, intimidator of women in parliament, longtime pal of Osama bin Laden, mentor of al-Qaeda’s Khalid Sheikh Mohammed, likely collaborator in the assassination two days before 9/11 of the Taliban’s greatest opponent, Ahmad Shah Massoud – in short the quintessential untouchable jihadi.

There’s an irony so ludicrous as to be terrible in the thought that while the U.S. supposedly fought this interminable war to insure that al-Qaeda would never again find a haven in Afghanistan, the country’s next president could be the very guy who invited bin Laden to Afghanistan in the first place and became his partner in building al-Qaeda training camps.

Even Karzai, who likes to poke his finger in American eyes, quickly backed away from that insult. Within hours of the news reports, he announced that he would remain “neutral.” Americans scarcely seemed to notice, but Afghans noted what Karzai had done in the first place. Now, as Sayyaf and other potential candidates do backroom deals, jockeying for position, Afghans wait anxiously to learn which ones will actually register to run before the October 6th deadline.

The names bandied about are those of the usual suspects: familiar militia commanders from times past, former jihadis, and political hacks. At this writing, a coalition of some of the most powerful are said to be aligning behind former foreign minister Abdullah Abdullah, who came in second to Karzai’s overstuffed ballot boxes in 2009 and declined to take part in a runoff likely to be just as fixed by fraud. One Afghan politico, surveying a recent gathering of likely candidates, expressed to theWashington Post an opinion widely held by Afghans: “These are the people who destroyed our country. They should all be thrown down a well.” Beleaguered Afghans have lived through all of this with all of them before. Sometimes it ends in a crooked election. Sometimes in a coup. Once in recent memory, in a civil war that could go into reruns.

Meanwhile, Karzai has also been tampering with the Afghan Independent Human Rights Commission (AIHRC), a government body headed by Nobel Peace Prize nominee Dr. Sima Samar, and the most respected public body in the country precisely because it has maintained its independence from government politics. In December 2011, Karzai blocked the AIHRC’s nonpartisan work by allowing the terms of three of its most effective members to expire. Another respected member had been killed earlier in 2011, together with her husband and four children, by a Taliban suicide-bomber reportedly aiming for officials of Xe (formerly Blackwater, now Academi) in a Kabul supermarket. The members Karzai cut loose included Ahmad Nader Nadery, an assiduous researcher of war crimes, largely responsible for a “Mapping Project,” never officially released, that reportedly names prominent warlords and members of Karzai’s government.

After stalling for 18 months, last July Karzai stacked the AIHRC staff with five political cronies unqualified in human rights. They include an Army general, a member of an Islamist fundamentalist political party, and a mullah who served in the Taliban government, spent three years in the U.S. military prison at Bagram (without being charged), considers Shariah law the best source of human rights legislation, and opposes laws currently on the books that aim to protect women from violence.

In September Navi Pillay, the United Nations High Commissioner for Human Rights, made a rare personal visit to Kabul to urge Karzai to reconsider his appointments before the AIHRC lost its international “A” rating and donor nations were forced to rethink their aid to a repressive government. She left with no assurances, repeating her concern that “improvement in human rights” had not merely “peaked” in Afghanistan, but was “in reality waning.”

Down and Out in Afghanistan

Now that the end of the international occupation approaches, the story of its success is undergoing a peculiar revision. The stunning advances Washington claimed in Afghanistan seem somehow much smaller and so much less impressive. Education, health care, and human rights, just like the fabled MRAP, have not lived up to their publicity.

For example, Western leaders have taken particular pride in supposed advances in Afghan education since the defeat of the Taliban in 2001, in schools built and students enrolled by the millions. (The U.S. Agency for International Development alone spent $934 million on Afghan education in the last 12 years.) But UNICEF reports that almost half the “schools” supposedly built or opened have no actual buildings, and in those that do, students double up on seats and share antiquated texts. Teachers are scarce and fewer than a quarter of those now teaching are considered “qualified,” even by Afghanistan’s minimal standards. Impressive school enrollment figures determine how much money a school gets from the government, but don’t reveal the much smaller numbers of enrollees who actually attend. No more than 10% of students, mostly boys, finish high school. In 2012, according to UNICEF, only half of school-age children went to school at all.

Advances in Afghan health care have been another source of Western donors’ pride. But dramatic claims that 85% of Afghans now have access to basic health care turn out to mean only that something called a “health care facility” exists in 85% of Afghan districts, many of which are enormous. Tens of thousands of Afghans now have “access” to health care facilities only because they fled their war-torn provinces for refugee camps on the fringes of major cities. The country’s high rates of maternal and infant mortality have slightly improved but remain among the worst in the world. You have to wonder if Washington couldn’t have turned all that MRAP money to better purpose.

As for the advancement of the human rights of women, much ballyhooed by American politicians and others, a report filed by the independent Afghan Rights Monitor in December 2012 tells a more accurate tale. It describes merely 10 of the many women assassinated in recent years because of their “work and ideals”: “women’s development activists, a doctor, two journalists, a provincial lawmaker, a teacher, and a police officer.”

Assassinated only two weeks ago was a courageous veteran police lieutenant named Nigara, who once stopped a suicide bomber by grabbing him in a bear hug. Men on a motorcycle shot her in the neck from behind as she stood waiting for a government bus to take her to work. She was the senior policewoman in Helmand Province, having taken over the duties of her predecessor Islam Bibi, assassinated only three months earlier in the same popular drive-by style.

No Afghan has ever been brought to trial for any of these assassinations, nor does President Karzai ever speak out against them. The government keeps no record of its women employees slain in the course of duty.

So that’s the way the war is ending – in waste, destruction, anxiety, conspiracy, and the evaporation of illusory achievements. A thousand diminutions mark the waning of Afghanistan, punctuated by the sudden violent death of women.

But even when the war “ends” and Americans have forgotten it altogether, it won’t be over in Afghanistan. Obama and Karzai continue negotiations toward a bilateral security agreement to allow the U.S. to keep at least 9 of the biggest bases it built and several thousand “trainers” (and undoubtedly special operations forces) in Afghanistan seemingly forever.

It won’t be over in the U.S. either. For American soldiers who took part in it and returned with catastrophic physical and mental injuries, and for their families, the battles are just beginning.

For American taxpayers, the war will continue at least until midcentury. Think of all the families of the dead soldiers to be compensated for their loss, all the wounded with their health care bills, all the brain damaged veterans at the VA. Think of the ongoing cost of their drugs and prosthetics and benefits. Medical and disability costs alone are projected to reach $754 billion. Not to mention the hefty retirement pay of all those generals who issued all those reports of progress as they so ambitiously fought more than one war leading nowhere.

Then there’s the urgent need to replace all that retrograde equipment, so efficiently trashed, and recruit a whole new army, so that any month now we can start the next war. Let’s not forget about that.

Ann Jones, who has reported from Afghanistan since 2002, is the author of Kabul in Winter (Metropolitan 2006) and War Is Not Over When It’s Over (Metropolitan 2010), among other books. She wraps up a trilogy on war with publication next month of a Dispatch Books project in cooperation with Haymarket Books: They Were Soldiers: How the Wounded Return from America’s Wars – the Untold Story, which Andrew Bacevich has already described this way: “Read this unsparing, scathingly direct, and gut-wrenching account – the war Washington doesn’t want you to see. Then see if you still believe that Americans ‘support the troops.’”

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Copyright 2013 Ann Jones

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