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Archive for March, 2013

Raymond Chickrie : MUSLIMS IN GUYANA

MUSLIMS IN GUYANA

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Muslim Political Participation and the Subcontinent Connection

Muslim missionaries from Pakistan and India have regularly visited the Islamic communities in Guyana, Suriname and Trinidad, where they were often received with euphoria. Consistently they have tried to unite the different Islamic organizations, and have tried to mediate in order to bridge differences among the Muslims in these countries. They have also helped in providing Islamic literature, teachers and scholarships to the Caribbean Muslims. In 1937 Maulana Shamsuddeen visited Guyana. This was followed by Maulana Fazlur Rahman Ansari, Maulana M. Aleem Siddique in 1959 and Maulana Ahmad Shah Noorani Siddique in 1968. 

Pakistani missionaries helped to revive Islamic communities in the Caribbean and were particularly successful in Suriname and Trinidad. Trinidad’s most popular mosque, the Jinnah Memorial, is testimony of this strong relationship between the Muslims of Trinidad and Pakistan’s Islamic community. When Maulana Noorani visited Suriname he was successful in bringing the Surinamese Muslims together. He was there when the foundations were laid to build the Caribbean’s largest mosque, the Djama Masjid, a grand piece of Islamic architecture with four towering minarets. The Djama Masjid school is named after Maulana Noorani. The Trinidad Muslim League was founded on Pakistan Day and when Pakistan’s first Ambassador to the United Nations, Mr Isfahani, visited Trinidad he received a warm welcome. 

However, the tensions and rivalries between the various Guyanese Islamic organizations greatly damaged the general welfare of the Muslims and affected their relationship with the Muslim communities in the subcontinent. In 1934, the Jamiati Ulama was formed as an independent organization but this lasted only briefly. 

The name was changed in 1941 to Khadaam-ud-din. However, after reaching a consensus among the Imams, the name was changed to Jamiatul Ulama-E-Deen of Guyana. By the 1950s the Jamiat along with the British Guyana Muslim Youth Organization and the Anjuman Hifazatul Islam became aligned with the United Sad’r Islamic Anjuman. Another Islamic organization, the Islamic Association of British Guyana (IABG), was established in 1936 in order to serve the needs of the Guyanese Muslims. In the same year, the IABG published the first Islamic journal, Nur-E-Islam. 

At Queenstown Masjid on 20 June 1937 during the visit of Maulana Shamsuddeen to Guyana, the Sad’r-E-Anjuman was formed. The Maulana tried to unite the IABG and the Sad’r-E-Anjuman. These two organizations were rivals. They both claimed to represent the Muslims. This antagonistic relationship culminated in the Sad’r-E-Anjuman’s withdrawal of its members from the Queenstown Masjid in 1941. Sad’r-E-Anjuman moved to Kitty where it built its own mosque, the Sad’r Masjid, on Sandy Babb Street. 

The United Sad’r Islamic Anjuman was established in 1949 after four years of discussions. The IABG and the Sad’r merged to form the United Sad’r Islamic Anjuman (USIA). Their two journals, Nur-E-Islam and Islam, were combined. The USIA was the representative of Muslims from 1950 to 1960. Its strong leadership greatly influenced society at all levels–governmental and non-governmental. Sadly, soon after independence the Anjuman succumbed to political intrigues and rivalries. 

 

As Guyana was approaching independence, Muslims were taking positions based on ideologies and aligning themselves with political parties. Muslims were found in both the People’s Progressive Party (PPP) and the People’s National Congress (PNC), which were Guyana’s two main political parties. In 1964, Abdool Majeed, President of the Sad’r, accepted the chairmanship of the United Forces Party. His vacancy was filled by Yacoob Ally who was a PPP Parliamentarian. Naturally this led to division among the Muslim community. This division was obvious on several occasions. On one such occasion in 1967, when Maulana Noorani was coming to Guyana from Suriname the USIA, Hifaz and Ulama-E-Deen sent him a joint cable which read: `Your visit is most unwelcome. Should you come to Guyana there would be violent eruption’. The Sad’r later aligned itself closely with the ruling PNC government. 

The next year when Maulana Fazlur Rahman Ansari from Pakistan visited Guyana, he failed to get any support from the USIA, Hifaz and Ulama-E-Deen when he stated publicly at the Town Hall the Islamic position with regard to socialism and communism. The division of the Muslim organizations along political lines eroded the strong relationship that Pakistan had always enjoyed with the Guyanese Muslims. On the other hand, Suriname and Trinidad were able to unite and take advantage of the generosity from Pakistani and Indian Muslims. After 1969 there has been no other high level Muslim visits from either Pakistan or India to Guyana. 

Nevertheless, the Caribbean East Indian connection to the subcontinent is deep-rooted. Brinsley Samaroo observes: `There has been a marked closeness between the Muslims in this part of the world and India up to 1947, and with Pakistan since that time’.(n36) In Guyana up to the 1960s, the Muslim leadership came exclusively from Muslims of South Asian descent who had studied in either Pakistan or India. In Suriname the South Asian Muslims referred to themselves as Pakistanis. While referring to Trinidad, Samaroo writes that `indeed the Trinidad Muslim League (TML) was found precisely on Pakistan Day, that is 15th of August 1947, to underline this connection with the Subcontinent’.(n37) According to Samaroo, `From this time not only religious visits continue, but there was great rejoicing when civil or political personalities form Pakistan visited the Caribbean’.(n38) 

Pakistan attended Guyana’s independence celebration in 1966 and presented an oriental rug to the new nation. A few years later the two countries established diplomatic ties and in the 1980s they exchanged honorary consuls in Georgetown and in Karachi. 

The Pakistani High Commissioner to Canada, who is accredited to Guyana, frequently visits the Muslim Communities in Guyana. In January of 1994, Pakistan’s Deputy High Commissioner to Guyana, Mr Arif Kamal, visited the Secretariat of the CIOG. `Special attention was paid to the areas in which Muslims in Guyana can benefit from social, cultural and educational programmes of Pakistan’.(n39) 

During his visit CIOG sent a letter to former Pakistan Prime Minister, Benazir Bhutto, requesting places at Pakistani universities for Guyanese Muslims to pursue higher education. In February of 1997 Pakistan’s High Commissioner to Guyana, Dr Farook Rana, met with the CIOG. According to CIOG’s official newsletter, Al-Bayan, Dr Rana promised to provide scholarships for secular studies, Pakistani teachers to work in Guyana, Islamic books, newspapers, etc. In 2001, General Musharraf appointed Mr. Tariq Altaf High commissioner to Guyana; Altaf travelled to Guyana and presented his credentials to the Guyana government. He also held a meeting with CIOG’s officials. 

The Dawah Academy International University in Islamabad, Pakistan, now offers scholarships to Muslim Guyanese. The Director of the Dawah Academy in Islamabad, Dr Anis Ahmad, visited Guyana in 1995 and promised scholarships to the CIOG and the Guyana Islamic Trust (GIT). He indicated specifically the areas in which the Academy could be of assistance which included imams courses, seminars, teachers, training in Pakistan and the affiliation of the proposed Islamic Academy of CIOG with the Da’wah Academy of Pakistan.(n40) To this day Pakistan offers secular and religious scholarships to Guyana in numerous fields of study. However, today among the young people there is greater interest in studying in the Arabic-speaking world. 

 

Maulana Noorani in Guyana

HISTORY OF MY PEOPLE
The Afghan Muslims of Guyana

by Raymond Chickrie
© Copyright February 2001 
[email protected]

Updated September 8th. 2001

Little is known about the Afghan Muslims of Guyana, in fact, some maybe amazed to learn that Afghans made their way to Guyana among the Indian Muslims. Many people of Afghan origin (Pathan) also migrated to Suriname. When Indian indentured labourers began arriving in Guyana in 1838, India was already conquered and assimilated by Persians, Central Asian Turks, Arabs, Afghans, Greeks, Hazaris, Baluchis, among other Muslim clans who settled in India’s large cities. The dominant minority, the Muslims settled in large cities such as Ahmadabad, Allahabad, Delhi, Karachi, Lahore, Bihar, Ghazipur, Lucknow, and Hyderabad. These exotic people found great economic opportunities in India and they were encouraged to migrate to the Metropolis by the Mughal Emperors.

Naturally, the strong and fierce Afghans mostly from the Pathan clan settled in the northern plains of India. The modern districts of Bareilly, Muradabad and Badaun had strong Afghan Township where over 9,000 Afghans settled. Some Pathans migrated from Rohilkhand. Bareilly as a ruined city crowded with unemployed, restless Rohilla Pathans.

Many urban cities in Uttar Pradesh were experiencing economic stagnation and poverty. Naturally, this led to heavy migration overseas. Immigration records indicate that the majority of Muslims who migrated to Guyana and Suriname came from the urban centres of Uttar Pradesh: Agra, Ahllahbad, Bahraich Basti, Fyzabad, Gonda, Gorakpur, Ghazipur, Kanpur, Lucknow, Muradabad, Rae-Bareilly, Rampur, and Sultanpur. Small batches also came from Karachi in Sind, Lahore, Multan and Rawalpindi in the Punjab, Hyderabad, in the Deccan, Srinagar in Kashmir, and Peshawar and Mardan in the Northwest Frontier (Afghan areas). Immigration certificates reveals major details of Muslim migrants.

Their origins such as District and villages, colour, height, and caste are all indicated. Under caste Muslims are identified as Musulman, Mosulman, Musulman, Musalman, Sheik Musulman, Mahomedaan, Sheik, Jolaba, Pattian, (Pathan), and Musulman (Pathan). Religion and caste identified many Muslims. From looking at their district of origin one can tell of their ethnicity, whether they were Sindis, Biharis, Punjabi, Pathans or Kashmiri. The physical profile on the Immigration Certificate also helps in recognizing their ethnicity. There are enormous spelling mistakes on the Immigration Certificates. Musulman, the Urdu world for Muslim is spelled many different ways and sometimes Muslims were referred to as Mahomedaan. Peshawar is spelled Peshaur and Nowsherra is Nachera, among many others.

Afghan Pathan clan also was among the indentured immigrants. Immigration Certificates clearly indicate under the category of “caste” Pathans, “Musulman Pathan” Pattan or Pattian. The fact that there were Pathans settlements in northern India explains this migration. Immigration Certificates further substantiate this. Pathans migrated from the Peshawar, Nowsherra, and Mardan from the Northwest Frontier as well as Kashmir. Some Pathans also came from Dholpur, Rajasthan. From Uttar Pradesh they migrated from Agra, Rae-Bareilly, Lucknow, Rohtak, Janhora, Jounpore, Gonda, Shahjahanpur, Barabanki, Delhi, among other cities in this provience. Pathans also migrated from Multan, Rawalpindi and Lahore in the Punjab. Again the spelling of districts, towns and villages varies. With considerable knowledge, the writer was able to recognize these places. A few places still remain an enigma. (See Immigration Certificates: Bottom)

HISTORY AND CULTURE OF THE AFGHANS

Pathans were always respected by the Mughals and were heavily patronized by Mughal Emperors in order to pacify them. The Afghans also acted as the buffer zone in the Northwest frontier; they kept invaders out of Mughal India. And in the nineteen and twentieth century they kept the Russians at bay. Without the support of the Pathans the Mughal Empire would not have lasted for as long as it did.

The Pathan, or Puktun, are a race of warriors who live primarily in Afghanistan and Pakistan. They consist of about sixty tribes, each with its own territory. Although their origin is unclear, their legends say that they are the descendants of Afghana, grandson of King Saul. However, most scholars believe that they probably arose from ancient Aryans intermingling with subsequent invaders.

The people of Afghanistan form a mosaic of ethnic and linguistic groups. Pashto (Pashto) and Dari, a dialect of Persian (Farsi), are Indo-European languages; they are the official languages of the country. More than half of the population speaks Pashto, the language of the Pashtuns, while about half of the population speaks Dari, the language of the Tajiks, Hazaras, Chahar Aimaks, and Kizilbash peoples and other Indo-European languages, spoken by smaller groups, include Western Dardic (Nuristani or Kafiri), Baluchi, and a number of Indic and Pamiri languages spoken principally in isolated valleys in the northeast. Turkic languages, a subfamily of the Altaic languages, are spoken by the Uzbek and Turkmen peoples, the most recent settlers, who are related to peoples from the steppes of Central Asia. The Turkic languages are closely related; within Afghanistan they include Uzbek, Turkmen, and Kyrgyz, the last spoken by a small group in the extreme northeast.

The Afghans who came to Guyana were mostly Pathans and a few Hazaris. The Pathan comes from the wild west of Pakistan: the Northwest Frontier Province that borders Afghanistan. In his text, Warrior Race. Imran Khan writes, “physically the Pathan has more in common with the people of Central Asia than with those of the subcontinent. The fine, aquiline features, high check-bones and light skin reflect the Pathan’s origins in Afghanistan and Turkey.” (10).

Pathans from various areas such as South Waziristan, the Mahsuds and North Waziristan the Waziri differ in skin, hair and eye colour. Some are taller and fairer while some have green and blue eyes. “Many of the tribal elders dye their grey beards red with henna” (11). A practice that some elder Afghans kept in Guyana. Pathans are very competitive and determine, they show no fear. They are honest, dignified, and uncompromising in their promises. Money does not impress a Pathan. “It is the Pathan’s sense of honour that makes him conduct himself with such dignity, and a fiercely independent spirit that makes even the poorest tribesman walk like a king” (12).

To understand the Afghans, one has to look carefully at their culture in context of their geographical landscape. Why are they so rebellious and difficult to conquer? Originating from Afghanistan, the Pathans are one of the greatest warrior races on earth, they have never been conquered. For centuries the Pathans have “existed by raiding, robbing and kidnapping” (15). But one has to understand the physical terrain of the Pathans. “In the mountainous terrain, hardly anything grows, and whatever is produced is insufficient to sustain the population of the area” (15). Sometimes it is difficult to sustain the family without raiding and kidnapping from the affluent lowlands to feed the family. “It is not the nature of such a proud race of people to resort to begging (15).” Consequently robbing and kidnapping became a means of survival.

The Pathans are the majority in Afghanistan. The British in 1893 created the Durand Line separating Afghanistan from India and “slicing right through the Pathan’s territory” (16). The southern part of Afghanistan is predominantly Pathans. Due to tribal rivalries many Pathan tribes settled along the banks of the Indus, the Waziristan, and the Vale of Swat, Peshawar and between the Sutlej and Beas rivers. “There were Pathan settlements in Northern India in Hoshiarpur, Pathankot, near Lucknow, Rohailkand and many other areas” (17). This explains the presence of Afghans among the Indians who went to Guyana. Some Pathan tribes are the Yusufzai, Afridi, Niazis, Lodhis, Ghoris, Burkis, Waziri, Mahsud, Marwats and Khattaks.

A COMMON ANCESTRY

Pathans believe that they are all descended from a common ancestor, Qais. He is said to have met the Prophet Muhammad. The prophet gave Qais the name “Pthun, and Qais was to take Islam back to his home. One of Qais’s sons was name Afghana, who had four sons. Every Pathan traces its descent from one of these four sons.

The first of these four Pathan branches is the Sarbani; this includes the largest Pathan tribe, the Yusufzai, which settled in Swat, as well as the Tarkalani, Mohmands and Muhammadzai. The second grouping is the Bitani. The Niazis, Ghilzais, Lodhis, Suris, Marwats, Lohanis, and Nuhranis belong to his group. The third branch is the Karlani, which includes some of the wildest tribes, such as the Mahsud, Waziri, Afridi, Orakzai, Dawar and Bangash.

CODE OF HONOUR

Pathan is a corrupted version for Pukhtun. This word means “backbone, hospitality, bravery and honour.” The culture of the Pathan is based on the latter principles. “Which is enshrined in a code of honour known as Puktunwali, or the way of the Pathans”(33). According to Imran Khan, a Pathan is recognized by other Pathans not so much by racial characteristics as by his adherence to “Pukhtunwali.” If he does not follow the code, he is not a Pathan. The wilder tribes adhere to the code more strictly.

Pushtunwali is followed religiously, and it includes the following practices: melmastia (hospitality and protection to every guest); nanawati (the right of a fugitive to seek refuge, and acceptance of his bona fide offer of peace); badal (the right of blood feuds or revenge); tureh (bravery); sabat (steadfastness); imamdari (righteousness); ‘isteqamat (persistence); ghayrat (defense of property and honour); and mamus (defense of one’s women).

Unlike Sindis, Punjabi or Gujratis, Pukhtunwali is closely linked to the spirit of Islamic justice and rejection of unfairness. It is not a coincidence that Pathans rose up against British injustice on the Sugar Plantations of Guyana. Khan writes, “The criterion by which a man is judged is not the amount of money he has but how honourable he and his family are.” (33) A Pathan will go at length to maintain his honour. “Any slight to his honour has to be avenged-there is no question of turning the other check” (33). Revenge is taken only on male members of a family.

RELIGIOUS ZEAL

The majority of Pathans are Sunni Muslim. Islam came to them as a great liberating and unifying force. For this reason, their underlying faith and steadfast devotion to Islam is very strong. Pathans are staunch Muslim and will go at length to defend Islam. They practice Islam according to the Quran without deviation. No wonder why we see the Afghan in a prominent role in the history of Guyana. The building of the Queenstown Masjid was the brainchild of the Afghans.

AFGHANS AND THE QUEENSTOWN MASJID

An Afghan with a typical Afghan name, Gool (Gul) Mohammad Khan who was an indententured servant took, “the initiative” to build the Queenstown Jama Masjid. “The first Imaam of the Masjid was reported to have been Gool Mohammad Khan.” Gool Mohammad Khan after serving his indenturedship returned to India. It is also reported that another Muslim bearing the name Jilani was the first Imaam. “The Jamaat compromised Muslims from India and Afghanistan; the latter apparently arrived in this country via India” (Centennial: 9).

Gool Mohammad Khan “persuaded” another Afghan, Goolam-uddin to “purchase the plot of land” for the building of a Masjid. Mr. Goolam-uddin lived on the property of the Masjid and was the caretaker of the property. This Afghan had a “dominant personality and kept a full beard coloured reddish brown with henna” (Centennial: 9). Like most Afghans, Goolam-uddin had a stern and “forceful nature”, thus disputes rose among the Afghan and Indian Muslims. “Eventually around 1923-1924 the Indian members decided to leave the Masjid” (centennial: 9). However, the Afghan control of the Masjid lasted for only a few years because of their small number and remigration to India.

AFGHAN RESISTANCE

Mazar Khan’s Story

Mazar Khan arrived in British Guiana in 1883 to work as an indentured labourer. He was sent to plantation Caledonian on the Essequibo Coast. His family was nostalgic for the past and in 1998 journeyed to Northern India to retrace this past. This expedition took them to a village of Somdutt in Meerut. This information was of course taken from his Immigration Certificate. After consultation at a mosque in Somdutt, they were taken to meet the oldest person in the village. With translation and the help of a few members of the mosque the “old man” was reached. With the greatest amazement, this old man, Hurma Khan who in 1998 was 110 years old is the son of Chand Khan who was the brother of Sujati Hassan Khan father of Mazar Khan.

In other words, Hurma Khan is the first-cousin of Mazar Khan.

It was then learnt that Mazahar Khan was a “freedom fighter” during the 1880’s revolution against the British. Meerut holds a special place in Indian history as the place where the revolution started. In an attempt to retaliate, the British rounded up the “trouble makers” and sent them “kalla-paanie”. The Khans have been known in history for their tenacity to resist tyranny and to fight for izzat, jaan or maal (honour, life and property) and wherever they went they uphold these values not only for themselves but also for all. While in the Guyanas, they advocated for Indians, Hindus, Pathans or Muslims.

The Rose Hall Uprising

The Rose Hall Sugar worker strike of 1913 saw Muslims resistant to indenturship. This is nothing new, the Pathans have resisted the British in India and some were sent to the Guyana and Suriname. Some Muslims who challenged the British bore the last name Khan, a typical Pathan (Afghan) name. Moula Bux, Jahangir Khan and Dildar Khan fit the profile of Pathan heritage. Three other Muslims were also involved Chotey (Young) Khan, Aladi, and Amirbaksh. According to Mangru in his text, Indenture and Abolition, “Moula Bux was nicknamed ‘munshiji’ (scribe or writer) was formerly an office worker in a jute factory in India” (86). Dildar Khan according to Mangru was recruited in Kanpur, India.

It would seem from the tenacity of these Khans who were involved in the Rose hall uprising that they fit the profile of the firebrand Pathans. Pathans never let tyranny to go unpunished. It is part of their “code of honour” to roots out injustice and defends the weak from exploitation. And this is exactly what the Pathans did in Guyana.

NOT ALL KHANS ARE PATHANS

The Pathans have played an important role in the history of their region. From their community came Muslim rulers, administrators, and soldiers. While many of them have moved out of the highlands in search of an easier life in the plains, their mountainous homeland continues to be their citadel of strength and freedom. Thus great number of Pathans migrated to India, but with the division of the subcontinent in 1947 most Pathans are now in areas control by Pakistan.

A well known Indian Muslim community is Pathan. The Pathans are Muslims who arrived from Afghanistan. They normally have their surname as Khan. Regardless of how far the Pathans travel “Puktunwali” is kept. The Pathans in India still have an image of being brave, honest and righteous. Many Indians who adopted Islam adopted the surname Khan and they claim that they are Pathans, which is not always true. , but a considerable amount of them live in northern India. Guyanese are very familiar with some Indian of Pathan heritage: Feroz Khan, Shahrukh Khan, Amjad Khan, Saif Ali Khan, Aamir Khan, and Salman Khan, among many others. Pathans claim many interesting stories of their origin.

Like some of the Khans of India, not all the Khans of Guyana are Pathans; many later converts to Islam adopted this noble title as their surname. The true Khans of the Pathan race are obvious because of their unique character and phenotype. In trying to research this subject, a few Guyanese Muslims have discussed with me their Pathan heritage. Their recollections are vague but not farfetched. However, there are Pathans not bearing the last name Khan who made it to the shores of Guyana and Suriname. One family traced their great grandfather to the Pakistan/Afghan border. In fact, this family had artifacts of this family member, by using his Pathan shalwar Kameez; thus they were able to trace the village from where he migrated. Many others with Pathan features spoke of their Pathan heritage but had limited facts to enrich their history. This has frustrated many of them who yearn to hold on to this heritage.

Naturally South Asian Muslims, the ancestors of the majority of Guyanese Muslims, are ethnically diverse. The coming of the Persians, Turks, Afghans, Arabs, Greeks, and Mongols to India added to the rich and exotic bloodline of South Asian Muslims, especially those of the north bordering Iran, Afghanistan and Kashmir. This interbreeding with the locals is evident in phenotype of the local Muslim population. Thus, Guyanese Muslims, decedent of Indo-Pakistanis Muslims come from a diverse racial background, which is evident in their phenotype

In physical appearance the Pathan has more in common with the people of Central Asia and the Caucasus region than with those of the subcontinent. They have fine aquiline features, high check-bones and light skin. This contrast greatly with Guyanese Muslims of Dravidian stock. The majority of Guyanese are of North Indian stock, while a small numbers are of Dravidian, southern stock. Much interbreeding is a common practice in Guyana. But a small number of Guyanese Muslims with percentage of Pathan blood is evident in their phenotype because of their length, light skin, alequine noise, amber to green eyes.

Many races came to Hindustan and settled; the invaders quickly became Indians and assimilated. Most Guyanese do not know that most Indian communities have a mixed ancestry. Indian roots derive from a mixed ancestry that includes the Proto-australoid, Paleo-mediterranean, Caucasian, Negroid, Mongoloid. The racial components that have gone into making the Indian peoples are the Aryan, Afghan, Greek, Hun, Arab, Turk, African, Mongol, and European. These have got so intertwined that none of them can be found in their pure form in India today.

HOW CAN YOU TRACE THIS HERITAGE FOOD/CLOTHING/LANGUAGE

Getting access to immigration records in the archives of Guyana is difficult if not impossible. Explanation is that the records are very fragile, yet no one is willing to invest the money to microfilm these important documents and have them available on line. With the help of the Dutch this was achieved in Suriname. Thus, the writer was able to access the Immigrations Certificates of indentured migrants to Suriname. Since the immigration patterns from British India to Guyana and Suriname was the same, I was able to substantiate my thesis of Pathans migration to the region. Hopefully, I will have access to the records in Guyana soon. But all of us can be rest assured that Afghans Muslims came to the shores of Guyana and Suriname and contributed greatly.

If one has access to his/her ancestor’s immigration records it won’t be difficult to ascertain if they were Pathans. The last name Khan is a major clue, but not always so, for many have also adopted this title. Besides vital statistics, the Immigration Certificate indicates district of origin as well as the Police station and the place where the immigrant was dropped off before heading to the port of Calcutta. For example:

Sex: M 
Age: 26
Colour: Brown
Height: 1.7? (A number is missing)
Marks:
Nationality: British Indian
District: Pichaur (this is Peshawar, NWFP, now in Pakistan) 
Police Post Mardain (Mardan, NWFP)
Drop off at: Balagli
Caste: Mosalman (Muslim)
Children : N (none)

Phenotype can also help in distinguishing, but not always the case. The fact that Muslims under the category of caste are identified as “Mosalman”, “Musalman” or Mohammedan, etch also makes it harder. However many of them under the category of caste identified themselves as Pathans. This naturally leaves no doubt of their ethnicity. Another important clue that will help in identifying them as Pathans is the district in which they are from, but this in my opinion will work on if they are from, Peshawar, Mardan or Nowsherra which are districts in the North West Frontier Province (also know as the Afghan areas).

Pathans are meat lovers. Many were meat handlers in Guyana and some owned businesses in Georgetown. There was always, a mince mill in the home of the Pathans to grind meat for kofta kebab. They substituted the tandoor over for the local fireside in Guyana to cook their kebabs. The famous Firni pudding for desert was served on all auspicious occasions. Some Muslims call it Sirni and cooked it differently from the Pathans. The diet of the Pathan Afghan Guyanese was quite different from the Indian Muslims but eventually the authentic cuisine of the Afghans died as the sprinkle of Afghans interbred with non Afghan Muslims. Never could I forget my Grand Father’s sister Haniffa (Khala) who always grounded meat to cook. Her looks, habits and diet in her home made her stand out amongst her Muslim brethren. During her lifetime she hardly set foot on the grounds of the plantation that her husband Ishaq Hussein managed for Amin and Ahmad Sankar.

The clothing of the Afghan Guyanese Muslims was quite different than that of the Muslim Indian. While the Muslim Indian men wore the Indian Shirt and Pajama, the Afghan wore the baggy Shalwar (pants) and Kameez (shirt). The Afghan prefers lose baggy wear; both males and females wore baggy modest clothing. Indian Muslims wore brighter colour clothing; while Afghan Muslims wore subtle colours.

The fact that scholars have not explored the history of Guyanese Muslims, not much is known about this subject much less the Afghans Muslims. However, my work on the subject I hope will stir interest, which I have already seen. While we know that Afghan Pathans speak Pashto, there is no evidence of Pashto or Persian written literature in neither Guyana nor Suriname. But there can be no doubt that Pastho was spoken by some of these Pathans especially those who migrated directly from the NWFP. And who knows, such literature may still exist today among families.

A SAMPLE OF SOME PATHANS WHO MADE THE JOURNEY


Nasiban, Mohamed Nasir 
Relaties:* van ; van ; van


04-GESLACHT V
05-LEEFTIJD 20 
16-HUIDSKLEUR 
15-LENGTE 
17-HERKENNINGSTEKEN
20-NATIONALITEIT Brits Indie 
21-DISTRICT Barabanki
22-POLITIEPOST Bahraich 
23-DORP Bashirganj 
19-BEROEP 
18-KASTE Pattian 
39-KINDGEGEVENS J 
25-SCHIPNAAM Engels SS. Indus III
07-MONSTERNUMMER 693
34-WERVINGSINSTANTIE het koloniaal gouvernement
24-AFREISPLAATS Calcutta 
26-AFREISDATUM 10/27/1908 
35-AANKOMSTPLAATS Paramaribo 
27-AANKOMSTDATUM 12/5/1908 
36-PLANTER P.M.Nahar Beheerder van 
37-PLANTAGE Plantage Katwijk
01-CODENR Kk/1533
28-BEGIN_CON 12/5/1908 
29-EIND_CON 12/5/1913 
30-HERBEGIN 
31-HEREIND 
32-REBEGIN 
33-REEIND
08-KLSTATUS 
38-VERZET MEMO-INFORMATIE

Abdul Rahman, Malahay Khan
Relaties:* van ; van ; van

04-GESLACHT M 
05-LEEFTIJD 21 
16-HUIDSKLEUR 
15-LENGTE 1.58 
17-HERKENNINGSTEKEN moedervlekken rechterschouder
20-NATIONALITEIT Brits Indie
21-DISTRICT Barabanki
22-POLITIEPOST Bhilsar 
23-DORP Khetasewai 
19-BEROEP 
18-KASTE Musulman (Pathan) 
39-KINDGEGEVENS N

25-SCHIPNAAM Engels SS. Indus IV
07-MONSTERNUMMER 668 
34-WERVINGSINSTANTIE het koloniaal gouvernement 
24-AFREISPLAATS Calcutta
26-AFREISDATUM 4/25/1914 
35-AANKOMSTPLAATS Paramaribo 
27-AANKOMSTDATUM 6/4/1914

36-PLANTER L.M. Pos, beheerder van plantage Nieuw Meerzorg
37-PLANTAGE Plantage Nieuw Meerzorg 
01-CODENR Qq/925
28-BEGIN_CON 6/4/1914
29-EIND_CON 6/4/1919 
30-HERBEGIN 
31-HEREIND
32-REBEGIN
33-REEIND 
08-KLSTATUS 
38-VERZET

MEMO-INFORMATIE
———————————————————-
Abdulla, Intiazkh
Relaties:* van ; van ; van
———————————————————-

04-GESLACHT M
05-LEEFTIJD 18 
16-HUIDSKLEUR
15-LENGTE 1.53
17-HERKENNINGSTEKEN
20-NATIONALITEIT Brits Indie 
21-DISTRICT Gonda 
22-POLITIEPOST Utraula
23-DORP Bareya
19-BEROEP 
18-KASTE Pathan
39-KINDGEGEVENS N


25-SCHIPNAAM Engels schip “Sutlej”
07-MONSTERNUMMER 142 
34-WERVINGSINSTANTIE het koloniaal gouvernement
24-AFREISPLAATS Calcutta
26-AFREISDATUM 1/15/1909
35-AANKOMSTPLAATS Paramaribo 
27-AANKOMSTDATUM 2/22/1909

36-PLANTER A.J.E. van der Feen, beheerder 
37-PLANTAGE pl.Meerzorg
01-CODENR Ll/4
28-BEGIN_CON 2/22/1909
29-EIND_CON 2/22/1914 
30-HERBEGIN 2/28/1916
31-HEREIND 2/28/1921 
32-REBEGIN
33-REEIND
08-KLSTATUS
38-VERZET


MEMO-INFORMATIE

———————————————————-
Mahomed Raja Khan, Wozir Khan
Relaties:* van ; van ; van 
———————————————————-
04-GESLACHT M
05-LEEFTIJD 20 
16-HUIDSKLEUR bruin 
15-LENGTE 1.644 
17-HERKENNINGSTEKEN 
20-NATIONALITEIT Brits Indie 
21-DISTRICT Shasahanpur 
22-POLITIEPOST Mirzapore 
23-DORP Ban 19-BEROEP 
18-KASTE Pathan 
39-KINDGEGEVENS N

25-SCHIPNAAM Engels schip “Erne II” & Peshwa
07-MONSTERNUMMER 131 
34-WERVINGSINSTANTIE het koloniaal gouvernement 
24-AFREISPLAATS Calcutta
26-AFREISDATUM 1/25/1894
35-AANKOMSTPLAATS Paramaribo
27-AANKOMSTDATUM 4/14/1894

36-PLANTER Agenten der Nederl. Handel Maatschappij
37-PLANTAGE Pl.Marienburg en Zoelen(Ben. Commewijne) 
01-CODENR W/251 
28-BEGIN_CON 4/14/1894 
29-EIND_CON 4/14/1899 
30-HERBEGIN 
31-HEREIND
32-REBEGIN 
33-REEIND 
08-KLSTATUS
38-VERZET

MEMO-INFORMATIE
———————————————————-
Jamin Shaw, Modut Khan
Relaties:* van ; van ; van 
———————————————————-
04-GESLACHT M
05-LEEFTIJD 25 
16-HUIDSKLEUR lichtbruin 
15-LENGTE 1.756 
17-HERKENNINGSTEKEN geen 
20-NATIONALITEIT Brits Indie 
21-DISTRICT Peshawar
22-POLITIEPOST Moteekundan
23-DORP Shawajgunah
19-BEROEP veld of fabriekarbeid 
18-KASTE Mahomedaan 
39-KINDGEGEVENS N

25-SCHIPNAAM Engels schip “Clive”
07-MONSTERNUMMER 44 
34-WERVINGSINSTANTIE het koloniaal gouvernement
24-AFREISPLAATS Calcutta 
26-AFREISDATUM 7/4/1877
35-AANKOMSTPLAATS Paramaribo 
27-AANKOMSTDATUM 8/29/1877

36-PLANTER W.G.H.Barnet Lyon prive 299 
37-PLANTAGE Pl.Jagtlust(Ben Sur) 
01-CODENR F/156 
28-BEGIN_CON 8/30/1877 
29-EIND_CON 8/30/1882 
30-HERBEGIN 
31-HEREIND
32-REBEGIN 
33-REEIND
08-KLSTATUS vertr
38-VERZET


MEMO-INFORMATIE Vertrokken naar Calcutta per Ss Kilda op 
30 oct 1879. Vw.c. 
zie c.dd 1877 te Calcutta gesl.

at contractnumber X/157. 
———————————————————-
Lalkhan, Hasankhan
Relaties:* van ; van ; van 
———————————————————- 
04-GESLACHT M
05-LEEFTIJD 22 
16-HUIDSKLEUR licht pokdalig 
15-LENGTE 1.6 
17-HERKENNINGSTEKEN 
20-NATIONALITEIT Brits Indie 
21-DISTRICT Gonda 
22-POLITIEPOST Srinagar 
23-DORP Dammankhan Kapurwa 
19-BEROEP 
18-KASTE Pathan
39-KINDGEGEVENS N

25-SCHIPNAAM Ganges
07-MONSTERNUMMER 115 
34-WERVINGSINSTANTIE het koloniaal gouvernement
24-AFREISPLAATS Calcutta 
26-AFREISDATUM 6/5/1908
35-AANKOMSTPLAATS Paramaribo 
27-AANKOMSTDATUM 7/18/1908

36-PLANTER Pieter Alexander May, gemachtigde van F.R.Folmer, beheerder
37-PLANTAGE Plantage Jagtlust 
01-CODENR Kk/971
28-BEGIN_CON 7/18/1908 
29-EIND_CON 7/18/1913 
30-HERBEGIN 
31-HEREIND
32-REBEGIN 
33-REEIND 
08-KLSTATUS 
38- VERZET

MEMO-INFORMATIE
———————————————————-
Mahammud, Maola Khan
Relaties:* van ; van ; van
———————————————————-
04-GESLACHT M
05-LEEFTIJD 20 
16-HUIDSKLEUR 
15-LENGTE 1.68 
17-HERKENNINGSTEKEN 2 moedervlekjes op rechterschouder
20-NATIONALITEIT Brits Indie 
21-DISTRICT Jounpore
22-POLITIEPOST Machlisahar
23-DORP Mirpur 
19-BEROEP
18-KASTE Pathan 
39-KINDGEGEVENS N

25-SCHIPNAAM Engels SS. Indus IV
07-MONSTERNUMMER 180
34-WERVINGSINSTANTIE het koloniaal gouvernement 
24-AFREISPLAATS Calcutta 
26-AFREISDATUM 4/25/1914 
35-AANKOMSTPLAATS Paramaribo 
27-AANKOMSTDATUM 6/4/1914


36-PLANTER J.Lawtan, beheerder van plantage de Vrede.
37-PLANTAGE Pl. De Vrede
01-CODENR Qq/1502
28-BEGIN_CON 6/4/1914 
29-EIND_CON 6/4/1919
30-HERBEGIN 
31-HEREIND
32-REBEGIN
33-REEIND 
08-KLSTATUS
38-VERZET

Bij vonnis v/h H.v.J. dd. 11.9.1929 No.41 veroordeeld tot 9 maanden gev.straf met openb.tewerkstelling wegens heling.


MEMO-INFORMATIE
———————————————————-
Gulamjan, Saith Khan 
Relaties:* van ; van ; van
———————————————————————— 
04-GESLACHT M 
05-LEEFTIJD 19 
16-HUIDSKLEUR 
15-LENGTE 1.63
17-HERKENNINGSTEKEN pokdalig; moedervl. R borst
20-NATIONALITEIT Brits Indie 
21-DISTRICT Peshaur
22-POLITIEPOST Nachera 
23-DORP Nachera 
19-BEROEP 
18-KASTE Mosulman
39-KINDGEGEVENS N

25-SCHIPNAAM Engels schip Sutlej III 
07-MONSTERNUMMER 62
34-WERVINGSINSTANTIE het koloniaal gouvernement
24-AFREISPLAATS Calcutta 
26-AFREISDATUM 11/27/1913
35-AANKOMSTPLAATS Paramaribo
27-AANKOMSTDATUM 1/7/1914


36-PLANTER T.Folmer Beheerder 
37-PLANTAGE Pl. Jagtlust
01-CODENR Qq/98
28-BEGIN_CON 1/7/1914
29-EIND_CON 1/7/1919 
30-HERBEGIN
31-HEREIND 
32-REBEGIN
33-REEIND 
08-KLSTATUS 
38-VERZET

MEMO-INFORMATIE

C.V.O. afgegeven 23-1-1919 no 43. Premie ontvangen uit Immigr.fonds, zie akte D.C. van Ben.Com. d.d. 5/4/1919. Bij besch. van 17-1-1921 no 71 in huur afgestaan perceel no… 
———————————————————-
Jandaz, Mirali 
Relaties:* van ; van ; van
———————————————————-
04-GESLACHT M
05-LEEFTIJD 22
16-HUIDSKLEUR 
15-LENGTE 1.67
17-HERKENNINGSTEKEN litt.rechter scheenbeen,grijze ogen
20-NATIONALITEIT Brits Indie
21-DISTRICT Peshaur 
22-POLITIEPOST Peshaur
23-DORP Peshaur
19-BEROEP 
18-KASTE Musulman
39-KINDGEGEVENS N

25-SCHIPNAAM Engels schip Sutlej III
07-MONSTERNUMMER 614 
34-WERVINGSINSTANTIE het koloniaal gouvernement 
24-AFREISPLAATS Calcutta
26-AFREISDATUM 11/27/1913
35-AANKOMSTPLAATS Paramaribo 
27-AANKOMSTDATUM 1/7/1914

36-PLANTER T.Folmer Beheerder 
37-PLANTAGE Pl. Jagtlust/ Rust en Werk 
01-CODENR Qq/102 
28-BEGIN_CON 1/7/1914 29-EIND_CON 1/7/1919
30-HERBEGIN 2/10/1919 
31-HEREIND 2/10/1924
32-REBEGIN 
33-REEIND
08-KLSTATUS
38-VERZET


MEMO-INFORMATIE 
———————————————————-
Iftekarali Khan, Ismail Khan 
Relaties:* van ; van ; van
———————————————————- 
04-GESLACHT M 
05-LEEFTIJD 22 
16-HUIDSKLEUR bruin 
15-LENGTE 1.63
17-HERKENNINGSTEKEN
20-NATIONALITEIT Brits Indie
21-DISTRICT Janhora 
22-POLITIEPOST Kotwali
23-DORP Kotwali 
19-BEROEP 
18-KASTE Pattan 
39-KINDGEGEVENS J

25-SCHIPNAAM SS. Mutlah
07-MONSTERNUMMER 272 
34-WERVINGSINSTANTIE het koloniaal gouvernement
24-AFREISPLAATS Calcutta 
26-AFREISDATUM 5/12/1913
35-AANKOMSTPLAATS Paramaribo
27-AANKOMSTDATUM 6/23/1913

36-PLANTER H.M.D.Robertson(gemachtigde v/d erven R.Kirke, beheerder van
37-PLANTAGE Pl. Hazard
01-CODENR Pp/110 
28-BEGIN_CON 6/23/1913 
29-EIND_CON 6/23/1918 
30-HERBEGIN 
31-HEREIND
32-REBEGIN 
33-REEIND
08-KLSTATUS
38-VERZET

MEMO-INFORMATIE
———————————————————-
Din Mohamed, Nagiros Khan
Relaties:* van ; van ; van
———————————————————-
04-GESLACHT M 
05-LEEFTIJD 17
16-HUIDSKLEUR bijna zwart 
15-LENGTE 1.65 
17-HERKENNINGSTEKEN 
20-NATIONALITEIT Brits Indie
21-DISTRICT Lucknow 
22-POLITIEPOST Mirjaganj 
23-DORP Kewalhan 
19-BEROEP 
18-KASTE Pattan 
39-KINDGEGEVENS N

25-SCHIPNAAM SS. Mutlah
07-MONSTERNUMMER 44 
34-WERVINGSINSTANTIE het koloniaal gouvernement 
24-AFREISPLAATS Calcutta 
26-AFREISDATUM 5/12/1913 
35-AANKOMSTPLAATS Paramaribo
27-AANKOMSTDATUM 6/23/1913

36-PLANTER A. Schields Beheerder
37-PLANTAGE Pl. Alliance 
01-CODENR Pp/257
28-BEGIN_CON 6/23/1913 
29-EIND_CON 6/23/1918 
30-HERBEGIN 
31-HEREIND
32-REBEGIN 
33-REEIND 
08-KLSTATUS 
38-VERZET

MEMO-INFORMATIE Bij vonnis voor het Hof van Justitie dd. 27 Nov. 1915 ter zake van diefstal veroordeeld tot gevangenisstraf van 3 jaren. Afgekeurd bij besch. A.G. dd. 24 December 1915 No. 1164/V. C.v.O. dd. 29-11-18 No. 631. Vertrokken naar Calcutta op 5 maart 1920 per Ss Madioen. 
———————————————————- 
Kalo Bibi, Chandkhan 
Relaties:* van ; van ; van
———————————————————-
04-GESLACHT V 
05-LEEFTIJD 30 
16-HUIDSKLEUR bruin 
15-LENGTE 1.44 
17-HERKENNINGSTEKEN 
20-NATIONALITEIT Brits Indie
21-DISTRICT Dholpur 
22-POLITIEPOST Dholpur 
23-DORP Dholpur
19-BEROEP 
18-KASTE Pattan 
39-KINDGEGEVENS N

25-SCHIPNAAM SS. Mutlah
07-MONSTERNUMMER 216 
34-WERVINGSINSTANTIE het koloniaal gouvernement
24-AFREISPLAATS Calcutta 
26-AFREISDATUM 5/12/1913 
35-AANKOMSTPLAATS Paramaribo
27-AANKOMSTDATUM 6/23/1913

36-PLANTER M.Welle (Agent Sur.Cult.Mij. Dordrecht & Peperpot) 
37-PLANTAGE Pl. Peperpot
01-CODENR Pp/513 
28-BEGIN_CON 6/23/1913 
29-EIND_CON 6/23/1918 
30-HERBEGIN
31-HEREIND 
32-REBEGIN 
33-REEIND 
08-KLSTATUS 
38-VERZET

MEMO-INFORMATIE C.v.O. 10-10-’16. Afgekeurd wegens lich. ongeschiktheid. Zie brief D.C. Ben. Comm. dd. 11/10/16 No. 1853. Gehuwd met Abdool 536/W op 29 jan. 1919 te Paramaribo (Ag. 19 No. 236/O). Premie ontvangen uit Imfds. Zie akte A.G. van 6-1-20. Besch. d.d 31-12-1920. Heeft toestemming van Abdool om naar Calcutta te vertrekken. 
———————————————————-
Zizan, Mazid 
Relaties:* van ; van ; van
————————————————-
04-GESLACHT V
05-LEEFTIJD 24 
16-HUIDSKLEUR bruin 
15-LENGTE 1.45 
17-HERKENNINGSTEKEN 
20-NATIONALITEIT Brits Indie
21-DISTRICT Barelli 
22-POLITIEPOST Bar 
23-DORP Bar 
19-BEROEP 
18-KASTE Pattan
39-KINDGEGEVENS N

25-SCHIPNAAM SS. Mutlah
07-MONSTERNUMMER 409 
34-WERVINGSINSTANTIE het koloniaal gouvernement
24-AFREISPLAATS Calcutta 
26-AFREISDATUM 5/12/1913 
35-AANKOMSTPLAATS Paramaribo
27-AANKOMSTDATUM 6/23/1913

36-PLANTER H.M.D.Robertson(gemachtigde v/d erven R.Kirke, beheerder van 
37-PLANTAGE Pl. Hazard 
01-CODENR Pp/130
28-BEGIN_CON 6/23/1913 
29-EIND_CON 6/23/1918 
30-HERBEGIN 
31-HEREIND 
32-REBEGIN 
33-REEIND 
08-KLSTATUS 
38-VERZET

MEMO-INFORMATIE Kind: Jhuman, j, geb. 23 oct. 1914 op pl. Hazard (Ag. 1914 No. 2149/O). Jhuman overleden 5 nov. 1914 op pl. Hazard (Ag. 1914 No. 2328/O). Vertrokken naar Calcutta op 5 maart 1920 per Ss Madioen.
———————————————————- 
Abdul Malik, Gulam Rasul 
Relaties:* van ; van ; van
———————————————————- 
04-GESLACHT M
05-LEEFTIJD 26 
16-HUIDSKLEUR bruin
15-LENGTE 1.7 
17-HERKENNINGSTEKEN litt.hoofd 
20-NATIONALITEIT Brits Indie
21-DISTRICT Pichaur 
22-POLITIEPOST Mardain 
23-DORP Balagli 
19-BEROEP
18-KASTE Mosalman
39-KINDGEGEVENS N

25-SCHIPNAAM Mutlah 
07-MONSTERNUMMER 359 
34-WERVINGSINSTANTIE het koloniaal gouvernement
24-AFREISPLAATS Calcutta 
26-AFREISDATUM 5/12/1913 
35-AANKOMSTPLAATS Paramaribo 
27-AANKOMSTDATUM 6/23/1913

36-PLANTER M.Welle, Ged. der Sur.Cult. MJ Dorderecht en Perperpot
37-PLANTAGE PL. Peperpot 
01-CODENR Pp/585 
28-BEGIN_CON 6/23/1913 
29-EIND_CON 6/23/1918 
30-HERBEGIN 7/5/1918 
31-HEREIND 1/5/1921 
32-REBEGIN 
33-REEIND 
08-KLSTATUS 38-VERZET

MEMO-INFORMATIE Gerecontr. voor 21„2 jaar. Overleden 31 Dec. 1918 op Peperpot

(Ag’19 No

——————————————————-

CAN YOU ANSWER THIS QUESTION:

Why did many Muslim/Pathans left British India in 1916?

EXPLANATION OF DATA

01 Contractnumber The contract numbers are the official identification numbers of the immigrants

02 Name

03 Given name

04 Gender

05 Age

06 Immigration register This shows the number part referring to the year concerned and the numbers of the immigrants in the number concerned, for example: Aa/243 occurs in the Register referred to as Aa 1 – 616. This Register contains the records of the first 616 immigrants whose contract number is preceded by the letters Aa.

07 Sign-up number This was the number allocated to the immigrant in the muster-roll of the ship. This number consisted of an identification number allocated by the emigration officer in Calcutta. The sign-up number differed from the contract number, since the sequence of registration on arrival in Surinam/Guyana differed from the sequence of registration at the time of departure from India. The sign-up number is important for those who wish to search for data in the Indian archives. For this purpose one needs the sign-up number and the name of the ship (plus the year of sailing).

08 Did / did not stay, deceased These data were copied from the folders, which mentioned for each immigrant whether they had died or left. If there is no mention next to the name of the immigrant, this means that the immigrant was still alive at the time the folder was filled out.

09 -14 Family connection In the event that a contract worker was related to another contract worker, the nature of the relationship was recorded, as well as the contract number of the relative. The family connections that were recorded were: father, mother, son, daughter, brother, sister, cousin (m/f), and uncle.

15 Physical height The physical height was often indicated in millimetres.

16 Skin colour

17 Distinguishing features Scars or any other physical identification marks.

18 Religion or caste Initially, the section for Religion was filled out stating Hindu or Mohammedan/Muhammadan/Mussulman/Muslim/Moslem. Later on, one started to mention the caste in case of Hindus, instead of religion. In some cases the term shaik was filled in for Muslims, which is incorrect.

19 Profession Until 1882, the section for Profession was filled out stating either field or factory worker. Since then this section was left blank, probably because of the fact that all immigrants from British India were recruited for work in the fields or factories.

20 Country of birth Apart from immigrants born in British India, there were also immigrants who were born in Jamaica, Natal or Fiji.

21-23 District, Police Station, Village Last place of residence of the immigrant. For each immigrant there are three indications: the district (zilla), police station (thana), and village (gaun). In contracts dated before April 1, 1886, the term pergunnah (= pargana, part of a district) was recorded instead of thana (please refer to De Klerk, 1953, p. 86).

24 Place of departure This was Calcutta

Note to Readers:

This is the start of this sketchy research but with the massive media via the Internet it is my hope that Guyanese with Afghan links will share their history with me so that we can begin recording this fascinating history of our ancestors and share it with the future generations. Finding concrete proof of the Afghan connection to Guyana and Suriname was a major break through in my research. The great work of the Surinamese people and the Dutch Government has enabled me to make this breakthrough. Mr. S. Hussein a young man of Guyanese background, who himself have Pathan roots has helped me enormously in this endeavour.

You can contact me at:

[email protected]

 

 

Ref

 

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Pakistan Offers To Train Nigerian Soldiers: Our Nigerian Brother Olumide Speaks Against Pakistan’s enemies

Re: Pakistan Offers To Train Nigerian Soldiers by solomon111(m): 2:58pm On Nov 222012

0lumide: 

Check the ratings of Intelligence agencies across the world first before you comment. They (ISI) beat even China and Russia in intelligence. Seriously, a nation with Nuclear power built by self isn’t to be messed with. Israel has nothing to do with them and will forever pray to never have. Israel has been fighting “Hamas” for Decades even with ruthless military tactics hasn’t been able to uproot “Hamas”. Yet you want Pakistanis to unite behind a course to fight Israel to test their might? Even with western intervention, Israel will be no more; should they go to war with Pakistan. And many of you dunce here are being sentimental with truth here. Because you are Christian don’t mean Israel is strong. 

Israel is not a Christian nation and they despise Christians too you fools. 

Unknown-8Tell me Nigeria isn’t stronger than Ghana in military power because we can’t solve Boko Haram menace? Are you guys really this ignorant about global military forces?
A nation that builds her own war crafts and can build a replica of any war craft used by man wants to train Nigerian military and you guys are talking shiiiit here?

Last time I checked, an Israeli sold FG a broken Drone.

Israel is not on same level with Pakistan Military wise… Pakistan is like the only nation with the tactics of four global military powers. Russia, China, USA, Britain… All train with Pakistani military. Are you mad? Are you guys mad? They have hackers in abundance and among the first nations to successfully jam radio transmission of modern US/UK war crafts. Seriously you guys are naive or ignorant… Put your religious ego aside…

They should train Nigeria in Military technologies! That will be our best deal ever!!

Ref:http://www.nairaland.com/1110354/pakistan-offers-train-nigerian-soldiers/2#13069864

Major General Babatunde Idiagbon: Former Chief of Staff, Supreme Headquarters.  His trademark was taciturn approach to a turbulent and rowdy cloaking of execrable leadership. He was the second-in-command to Major General Muhammadu Buhari after the politicians during the era of the Second Republic under Alhaji Shehu Shagari had exhausted themselves of diligence in government. The Military stroke, this time with a clear mission that indiscipline and corruption that was prevalent then must stop and phenomenally too.  The army abandoned the barracks at that period with a genuine concern to the save the nation from imminent collapse. ‘Tunde Idiagbon as he was widely known became the dirigible dragon of the regime sending a chill up the spine of defaulters of anti – indiscipline war, the war christened War Against Indiscipline (WAI) was a compulsi on to moral reformation and ethical conduct.  His Unsmiling posture was an open disdain to cataclysm of a country’s established laws and order thereby exerting a cascading signal to the irreverent and habitual law – breakers. Every special human must have a striking feature and Idiagbon exercised a lack of contentment of a nation in the spanning years of his leadership, after and even at last day of his life.  What made special humans more special is a measure of exploring veto of consistent respectability. Those of us that had watch late Chief Tai Solarin metamorphosis from short knickers of sympathy for the oppressed to the long trouser of travelatorial affluence during IBB’s experimentation on elitist – challenge were baffled with the unwritten remarkability.  Idiagbon’s gusto throughout his appearance at the national scene was an unmistaken certitude.  Born on September 14, 1943 in Ilorin, Kwara State.  General ‘Tunde Idiagbon had his education at United school, Ilorin, 1950 – 52, Okesuma Senior Primary School, Ilorin, 1953 – 57 Nigeria Military School, Zaria, 1958 – 62, Pakistan Military Academy, Kakul – Pakistan, 1962 – 65, Nigeria Military Training College, Kaduna, 1965 – 1966, Command & Staff College, Quetta, Pakistan 1976, National Institute for Policy and Strategy Studies, Kuru near Jos, 1981. 

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Denigration of Women: India, corrupt to the core — rapist haven and glorification of rape in Indian films

Looks like India is a rapist and pedophile haven.  And CBC is white 
washing it, I guess as not to offend the criminals. 
images-9

http://www.cbc.ca/news/world/story/2012/12/27/india-gang-rape-prime-minister-pledges-action.html 

What is not in the above CBC/CP propaganda feed is that the cop was out 
of shape.  Really wasn’t fit for the job. 

The PMs son had some woman hate speech statements about women not in 
Canadian’s censored news, a sure indication about how the degenerate 
member of parliament was raised yet with this in mind, anyone believe 
the lies from his father the PM? 

Gets better.  Look at how quick the cops arrest women for a out of shape 
fat cop yet dozens of gang rapes have occurred since and not many 
arrests.  Duh? 

These are not ordinary rapes.  Lots of witnesses and no one sees 
anything.  Poor woman in above has been in critical condition ever since 
and needs organ transplants including intestines.  Sounds graphic?  Yep, 
this was torture-rape. 

Gets even better, two cops have been suspended and government is not 
saying why.  Did they participate, or just let the perps go leaving the 
woman to die? Amazing how witnesses disappear in corrupt India. 

India also overlooks under age brothels. 

But no arrests.  This rabbit rat brained Indian government 
don’t give a ***t about their women, sisters, mothers….low life human 
garbage runs the show over there. 

But the PMs son does show the attitude and why nothing gets done.  Just 
more liar politicians. 

India, you are disgusting. 
— 
Liberal-socialism is a great idea so long as the credit is good and 
other people pay for it.  When the credit runs out and those that pay 
for it leave, they can all share having nothing but debt and discontentment. 

 

 

 

 

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American Press Toe US Government Line to Build-up US Puppet Zardari.

The Inept, Makaar, Conniving, Incompetent & Murtaza Bhutto’s Murderer Asif Zardari 

FROM:LOS ANGELES TIMES

 

Pakistan leader’s legacy: The art of political survival

As President Asif Ali Zardari ends a history-making five-year term, his approval ratings are low, but he has hung on. 

Asif Ali Zardari

The government of Pakistani President Asif Ali Zardari, center, ended its five-year term Saturday, setting the stage for the country’s first transfer of power from one civilian government to another. (Emilio Morenatti / Associated Press /September 6, 2008)

 
By Alex Rodriguez, Los Angeles Times

March 16, 2013, 11:09 p.m.

 

ISLAMABADPakistan — Throughout his presidency, Pakistan’s Asif Ali Zardari has looked over his shoulder. Would the military bounce him from office? Would an aggressive Supreme Court find a legal lever to send him packing? Would infighting and dissent erode his fragile coalition government?

Now, as he and his government make history by becoming the first civilian administration to ever complete its five-year term — despite public approval ratings as low as 14% — Zardari’s legacy is clear. He turned political survival into an art form.

“You give Zardari a roomful of politicians, and he will find you 51%. That’s an art he has perfected that no one really knew he had,” says Cyril Almeida, a Pakistani newspaper columnist. “By and large, he has done his own thing and cut whatever deals he needs. But he hasn’t gone after enemies and opponents, and that has kept the political temperature at a manageable level.”

Known to most Pakistanis as “the accidental president,” Zardari fell into the job after the slaying of his wife, former Prime Minister Benazir Bhutto, assassinated in 2007 as she was launching her political comeback. Many Pakistanis still call him “Mr. 10%,” a reference to corruption allegations that have followed him since stints in previous decades as a Cabinet minister.

Zardari’s government ended its five-year term Saturday, setting the stage for the first transfer of power from one civilian government to another in Pakistan’s 65-year history. Every other civilian government’s term has been interrupted by military coups or politically motivated ousters.

A caretaker government is slated to assume power as the country embarks on a campaign season that will culminate in parliamentary elections, expected in May. Members of the federal and provincial assemblies will then select a president later in the year. Zardari, 57, remains president and, unless he wins reelection, will step down upon the inauguration of a new president.

Zardari’s prime minister, Raja Pervez Ashraf, will step down as soon as the ruling Pakistan People’s Party and its main opposition, the PML-N, agree on a caretaker replacement. Parliament and the Cabinet dissolved Saturday.

The transfer of power through the ballot rather than military might is seen by most Pakistanis as a crucial step in the country’s democratic evolution.

But as Zardari’s PPP enters what is sure to be a tumultuous campaign, it faces an electorate deeply disappointed with the ruling government’s failure to remedy the country’s biggest ills.

Daily power outages that in the summer can last 12 hours or more shackle the economy and make everyday life miserable. Zardari has never been able to tamp down Islamist terrorism, and a recent wave of sectarian attacks by Sunni Muslim militants against the country’s minority Shiite Muslim community poses a new national security threat with the elections around the corner. The federal government remains heavily indebted to international lenders, and corruption taints every echelon of society.

An annual “Worldwide Threat Assessment” report delivered to the U.S. Congress last week by James R. Clapper, director of national intelligence, criticized Zardari’s government for being unwilling to tackle “problems that continue to constrain economic growth. The government has made no real effort to persuade its disparate coalition members to accept much-needed policy and tax reforms, because members are focused on retaining their seats in upcoming elections.”

The same sense of frustration with Zardari’s government runs through Pakistani society.

“This government has ruined the country in the last five years,” says Azhar Iqbal, 50, owner of a cookware shop in one of Islamabad’s central shopping districts. “It’s bad everywhere. Every night when we go home and turn on the television, we hear about this or that number of people killed.”

Despite popularity ratings as low as 14%, according to a recent Pew Research Center poll, Zardari and the ruling PPP government aren’t necessarily doomed in the upcoming elections, and in fact might be able to garner enough backing to engineer another coalition government and retain power.

The PPP and its primary rival, former Prime Minister Nawaz Sharif‘s PML-N party, already have entrenched support bases, and cricket legend Imran Khan’s upstart Pakistan Tehreek-e-Insaf party is expected to cull more voters from Sharif’s vote bank than the PPP’s, analysts say. And while dissatisfaction with the government is widespread, historically Pakistanis haven’t expressed their frustration at the ballot box. Turnout in Pakistan’s national elections has always been low, ranging from 36% to 45%.

The ultimate winner may not be the top vote-getter, but the better coalition builder.

“Political polarization in Pakistan is sharp,” says Hasan Askari Rizvi, a Lahore-based political analyst. “The PPP may lose some seats in Parliament, but they still will have the capacity to form a coalition government. Whereas Sharif isn’t seen as someone who can build a coalition. … So by default, the PPP may be able to pull through because they can produce a better coalition.”

During the last five years, Zardari’s most formidable opposition has not come from Sharif, but from the military and the Supreme Court, both institutions that have always viewed the president as a liability. Both the court and the army have hounded Zardari, at times stoking fear within society that the government would collapse.

But neither institution ever pushed Zardari and his government over the edge. The Supreme Court ousted Ashraf’s predecessor, Yousuf Raza Gilani, on a contempt charge in 2012, but since then has eased up on the government.

“While the army’s high command is angered by the mismanagement of the economy by the Zardari government, there’s also an understanding that they don’t really have solutions themselves,” newspaper columnist Almeida said. “And the Supreme Court can’t oust a political government because its entire public standing is based on the fact that it resisted unconstitutional moves by [former President Pervez Musharraf] in 2007.”

That year, Musharraf, who saw Supreme Court Chief Justice Iftikhar Mohammed Chaudhry as a threat to his authority, ousted him, a move decried by lawyers and opposition parties as illegal.

“So the routes have been shut,” Almeida continued. “There’s no obvious route to dismantling this government.”

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The broken bloodline

 

The broken bloodline

Fatima Bhutto is Benazir’s niece. The resemblance is striking: the long nose, the headstrong personality, the burning rage about a father’s violent death. Declan Walsh meets the woman who would have been the heir to Benazir’s throne – if it weren’t for the family feud that came between them

Fatima Bhutto

Fatima Bhutto. Photograph: Declan Walsh
Watching him receive a verbal pistol-whipping from Jeremy Paxman at a London press conference this week, it was hard not to feel sorry for Bilawal Bhutto Zardari, the 19-year-old heir to Pakistan’s most perilous throne. Did the Oxford fresher really think he was up to the job of heading the Pakistani opposition, even nominally? At home in Pakistan, critics found other faults. “He’s not a Bhutto, really, he’s a Zardari,” muttered a party loyalist, a few days after she was assassinated. “We need a true Bhutto to do the job.”

Bilawal may be happy to slip back to Oxford, secret service bodyguards in tow, for another three years. But in Karachi there is another young Bhutto who, if dynasty is your game, seems perhaps better qualified to lead the Pakistani opposition.

Fatima Bhutto is clever, sassy and savours the salty taste of Pakistani public life. She has two books under her belt, writes a punchy newspaper column, and, as a close lieutenant to her vote-seeking mother, is a politician in training. There are some obvious parallels between Fatima and Benazir 30 years ago. Both their lives have been shaped by the untimely and violent deaths of their fathers; both are headstrong, with deep reserves of charm and, when called for, a sense of entitlement. Both are western-educated. The physical resemblance can also be striking. One television interview this week showed Fatima in profile before a portrait of a young Benazir – the same long nose, wide forehead and calm bearing were evident.

Fatima is 25 and eligible to run for public office. (Bilawal must wait another six years.) And for what its worth, she even has the endorsement of Jemima Goldsmith. “At least she has some work experience,” wrote Goldsmith, who was once married to cricket star Imran Khan, in last week’s Sunday Telegraph. (Goldsmith’s expertise in Pakistan, which she left several years ago, was less clear.)

But Fatima says she has no political ambition and, at any rate, is unlikely to eclipse her famous cousin anytime soon. The reasons spring from a half-forgotten chapter of the Bhutto history. It is a story written in broken bloodlines that illuminate the Greek tragedy that this extraordinary South Asian dynasty has become.

Last October, two nights before Benazir was due to return from exile in Dubai, I went to see Fatima and her Lebanese stepmother Ghinwa at their home in Clifton, Karachi’s oldest and plushest suburb. They offered a simple dinner – pizza in the box – with apologies: they had just returned from their ancestral home in Larkana, 200 miles to the north, further up the Indus river, where they had been visiting prisoners in the local female jail.

We ate in the upstairs lounge of 70 Clifton, the sprawling house built by Fatima’s great-grandfather, Shah Nawaz, in 1954. It reeked of history. Benazir paced these corridors during her detention under the military dictator Zia-ul- Haq in the 70s and 80s. In the garden in 1986, she married Asif Zardari, a polo-playing society lad. Later Benazir would relinquish the house to her brother Murtaza – Fatima’s father – but was said still to covet her father Zulfikar’s fine library downstairs, rumoured to hold an extensive collection of books about his hero, Napoleon.

That night the city was zinging with excitement. For the first time in years the streets were plastered with Benazir posters, and yahooing men on motorcycles zipped through the traffic, honking their tinny horns. But the gate of 70 Clifton had a lone, defiant poster of Murtaza, who died in a hail of police gunfire in still disputed circumstances in 1996. Since then Fatima and Ghinwa have held Benazir “morally responsible” for his death. The bitterness was palpable and public.

Over dinner, the pair were cheerless at the prospect of her aunt’s imminent return. “If she didn’t sign the death warrant, then who had the power to cover it up? She did,” said Fatima indignantly. In support of her case she cited dead-end investigations, dodgy policemen and the mound of court papers and other testimony about her father’s death that she had collected fastidiously in the office next door.

Ghinwa, with a shock of black curls and a supply of long, thin cigarettes, added: “The more there are delays, the more it incriminates those who encouraged those delays.”

The origins of the feud stretch back to 1979 and the epochal event that traumatised Pakistan’s political psyche and, ultimately, split the Bhutto clan. After the family patriarch Zulfikar Ali Bhutto, a charismatic but flawed prime minister, was hanged by Zia, the military dictator who had deposed him two years earlier, his children scattered. Benazir stayed at home in Pakistan, enduring harsh imprisonment, looking after their ailing mother, Nusrat, and tending to the persecuted People’s party that would rise from the ashes after Zia’s death nine years later. But Zulfikar’s sons, Murtaza and Shah Nawaz, took a different path.

Young, brash and angry, they started Al Zulfikar, or the Sword, an armed movement that sought to overthrow Zia. The revolutionaries shot to fame in 1981 with the hijacking of a Pakistan International Airlines jet that was forced to land in Kabul, where the Bhutto brothers lived in exile under the communist government. The precise details of what unfolded are still disputed, and Murtaza’s family claims that he was not involved in the plot (but did act as a negotiator). But a young army officer aboard the plane was executed, some Bhutto supporters were released from jail and flown to Libya, and the brothers became A-list enemies of the powerful military establishment.

Along the way, the Bhutto brothers married two Afghan sisters, the daughters of an Afghan foreign affairs official. Murtaza had a daughter, Fatima, with his wife Fauzia, but they divorced three years later. The brothers flitted to Tripoli then to Europe, sheltering with sympathetic governments. But in 1985 exile took a dark turn when Shah Nawaz, the younger brother, was poisoned during a family holiday in the south of France. The Bhuttos blamed Zia, the CIA, or both.

Murtaza and Fatima found a home in Syria where they met Ghinwa Itoui, a Lebanese woman who had fled the war at home and was giving ballet classes in the basement of a Catholic church. Fatima was among her students. Murtaza and Ghinwa fell in love and married in 1989. At home, Murtaza faced serious allegations, but his daughter idolised him. “He was a wonderful father. We had so much fun,” she said, recalling one day when he whipped her out of school for an impromptu excursion to the snow-capped Syrian mountains.

The split came in 1993 when Murtaza ended his 16-year-exile. Sparks flew with Benazir, then elected prime minister for the second time. Murtaza wanted to assume a senior role in her party, possibly the leadership – a demand in keeping with the patriarchal assumptions of the Sindh province’s landlord classes. Benazir was having none of it. The rows multiplied, the rift grew deeper, and Murtaza formed a splinter party, which had little success.

It came to a tragic climax three years later, in 1996, when Murtaza, who used to travel with an entourage of armed bodyguards, got into a gunfight with some police, who were ostensibly trying to arrest him. His death rocked Pakistan – another Bhutto dead – and Benazir was said to be distraught. “Our paths were different but our blood is the same,” she said. Her government fell six weeks later.

But the grief-stricken Fatima and her mother came to believe that Benazir or her husband, Zardari, had a hand in the killing. Stories circulated that Zardari had had a fight with Murtaza in which his moustache was shaved off – an immense insult. Benazir believed that the shooting had been orchestrated by her enemies. “Kill a Bhutto to get a Bhutto,” she told friends. But as with so many political deaths in Pakistan, the truth has never emerged.

Fatima is at great pains to distance herself from her aunt. She did her masters at London’s School of African and Oriental Studies, not Oxford, she points out, and instead of heading a debating society, she wrote her dissertation on the resistance movement to Zia. She published a book of poetry, Whispers of the Desert, at the precocious age of 15, followed in 2006 with a collection of stories about the 2005 earthquake that killed 73,000 people in Kashmir and North West Frontier Province. “The comparisons are largely cosmetic,” she said. “In terms of political ideology, what we read, how we think, we are very different. I don’t think that I’m anything like her.”

Her weekly column touches on social and political issues. She won plaudits for her reports of the 2006 war in Lebanon – she was in the country when the fighting started – and keeps a poster of Hizbullah leader Hassan Nasrallah on the door of her office. She yearns to visit Kabul, her birthplace, but her mother discouraged it on grounds of danger.

Benazir clearly loved her niece – her autobiography Daughter of the East has several warm references – but Fatima believes she tried to split the family apart. Benazir disparaged Ghinwa as a “Lebanese belly dancer”, and six months after Murtaza’s death persuaded Fatima’s biological mother, Fauzia, to return to Karachi to seek parental custody. “It was just vulgar and crude,” recalled Fatima. “I was in biology class in ninth grade. Then the principal came and said, ‘There’s a woman here who claims to be your mother.'” Fatima locked herself in the nurse’s office as the press swarmed outside. A few years later, Fauzia launched an unsuccessful court bid for custody. She later returned to the US. “It sounds like a soap opera but unfortunately it was very real,” said Fatima. “It felt very orchestrated and designed to humiliate.”

But she was also keen to distance herself from her aunt’s shadow. She didn’t like her grievances being aired as a “catfight”, she said. “As someone who cares about this country, I’m upset by what’s happening. The fact that she’s my aunt is just a footnote … In this country, politics has become entertainment. It’s become sleaze, quick and tawdry, because we don’t want to talk about things that really matter.”

What mattered, she said, was her politics. As she spoke, Ghinwa lit her cigarettes with a box of personalised matches. “For the house of 70 Clifton,” read the packet. The box had been printed by a supporter from Ghinwa’s political vehicle, the Pakistan People’s party – Shaheed Bhutto (“Bhutto the martyr”), which she kept alive after her husband’s death. But the flame is barely alive. PPP-SB failed to win even one provincial seat at the last elections. After Benazir’s return, and the suicide bombing that killed 140 people, I met Ghinwa again. The rift was raw as ever.

“I hoped that she wouldn’t die, of course. I think it will be a bigger punishment for her to live. I feel terrible about all those people, and angry for exposing them like that,” she told me.

In life, Benazir was touchy about allegations that she bore any responsibility for Murtaza’s death. Instead, she blamed the powerful intelligence services for engineering the killing to split her family. If she was right, the strategy worked spectacularly well. Last month Fatima sent around a link to a YouTube clip of a television interview. It showed Benazir being aggressively questioned about Murtaza’s death, breaking into tears and storming out of the studio. “Her reaction is amazing,” wrote her estranged niece in an acerbic tone.

Then, two weeks ago, everything changed. In the wake of Benazir’s death I found Ghinwa, Fatima and her 17-year-old brother, Zulfikar Ali junior, at the Bhutto ancestral home in Larkana, a 20-minute drive from Benazir’s grave. The town centre was still smouldering after the violent reaction to the assassination, and a charred vehicle was parked outside the house. Fatima was shrouded in a black veil, her face was drawn, her cheeks were stained with tears. “It’s been a real shock,” she said.

Fatima and her mother had been on the election trail, canvassing door to door, when the news broke. She went home and wrote a bittersweet farewell to Benazir for the News. The prose was staccato, the sentiment raw. “My aunt and I had a complicated relationship. That is the sad truth,” it started. She remembered fondly that they used to read children’s books together, shared a passion for sugared chestnuts and were troubled by the same sort of ear infections. “In death, perhaps there is a moment to call for calm. To say enough … We cannot, and will not, take this madness any more.”

Yesterday Fatima was back in Karachi, still receiving condolences. “My first thought was that it was just too familiar. It felt like we had been through this too many times before,” she said by phone. “When I heard that she had been shot in the neck, I thought of my father. The bullet that killed him was also fired into his neck, though at point blank range. It seems like every 10 years we bury a Bhutto killed violently and way before their time.”

She had not changed her mind about her father’s death, she said. “Her government never adequately explained its role. But now that she’s gone …” She paused. “We’ll remember her differently.”

But the Bhutto legacy is not at rest yet. Mumtaz Bhutto, the self-described head of the Bhutto clan, stirred the pot recently in suggesting that Fatima’s brother, Zulfikar Ali, is the real heir to Benazir’s title. But he is highly unlikely to take on the mantle, and Mumtaz’s comments may be a product of his longstanding rivalry with Bilawal’s father, Zardari. They are also a product of a bygone age – the succession of Bilawal and the bypassing of the bloodline proves that Pakistan opposition politics are about Benazir more than Bhutto.

Soon Fatima and her mother will return to Larkana, to continue the campaign for elections in five weeks’ time. “I don’t believe in birthright politics,” she said. “I don’t think, nor have I ever thought, that my name qualifies me for anything. I am political through my writing. I have no interest in parliamentary politics for now. I’m too young. There’s a lot to learn”.

 

 

 

 

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